Growth
in sentence
19851 examples of Growth in a sentence
Despite the enormous cost – more than half of the fledgling government’s expenditures in early years went to debt service – the economy shook off the 1780’s depression and entered a
growth
boom.
For the past two decades, as part of the soul-searching triggered by the collapse of communism, the World Bank has been seeking to make governance and anti-corruption efforts integral to its work on economic
growth
and poverty reduction in the developing world.
The Bank has been too focused on itself and its reputation, and not enough on the countries that it advises and in which it operates, while institution-building has been considered to be embedded in the
growth
agenda.
First, the slowdown has ended and
growth
is picking up.
At the root of this turnaround is enormous credit growth, as the authorities, concerned that the earlier slowdown was excessive, encourage China’s banks to lend.
Credit growth, known in China as “total social financing,” grew at an annual rate of 13% in the fourth quarter of 2015 and again in the first quarter of this year – that is, double the rate of annual GDP
growth.
Since the financial crisis erupted in September 2008, China has had the fastest credit
growth
of any country in the world.
The result will look familiar to aficionados of Japan’s banking crisis: zombie banks lending to zombie firms, which apply artificial pressure on viable firms, stifling their
growth.
In other words, China is actually an important part of America’s “solution” to its saving-short
growth
problem.
And reducing gender inequalities also reduces income inequality, allowing for more sustainable
growth.
But they are well worth the investment, given employed women’s enormous contribution to economic
growth.
Because women’s labor-force participation is so important for growth, organizations such as the IMF are committed to working with governments around the world to empower women economically.
With the global economy recovering, governments must now lay the foundation for long-term growth, by creating the conditions for women everywhere to realize their full potential.
The June referendum’s initial economic effects were negligible, and may even have been slightly positive, now that the UK’s post-referendum
growth
figures are being revised upward.
Continental Europe might be tempted to reject financial capitalism altogether, in favor of a
growth
strategy based on large state-driven investment projects.
It is the average annualized
growth
of US consumer spending over the past 14 quarters – calculated in inflation-adjusted terms from the first quarter of 2008 to the second quarter of 2011.
Annualized real consumption
growth
over the subsequent eight-quarter period from the third quarter of 2009 through the second quarter of 2011 averaged 2.1%.
The 14-quarter
growth
trend from early 2008 to mid-2011 was cut from 0.5% to 0.2%; the bulk of the downward revision was concentrated in the first six quarters of this period – for which the estimate of the annualized consumption decline was doubled, from 1.1% to 2.2%.
The 2.1% consumption
growth
trend realized during the anemic recovery of the past two years could well be indicative of what lies ahead for years to come.
Such an outcome would have three profound implications for the economic outlook: First, since consumer demand still accounts for 71% of real GDP, a protracted shortfall in trend consumption represents a major headwind for overall US economic
growth.
Second, persistent weakness in consumption and GDP
growth
puts the US economy on a much weaker
growth
trajectory than that which is built into the government’s long-term budget estimates.
The Congressional Budget Office is assuming 3.4% average
growth
in real GDP over the 2013 to 2016 period.
If the
growth
trend is one percentage point lower – a distinct possibility in an era of protracted consumption weakness – budget deficits would be a significantly higher.
Indeed, a CBO rule of thumb equates a sustained one-percentage-point shortfall in real GDP
growth
with budget deficits that are roughly $3 trillion larger over a ten-year period.
So enduring weakness in US consumption implies pressure on the
growth
of export-led developing economies.
While no two financial crises are identical, all tend to share some telltale symptoms: a significant slowdown in economic
growth
and exports, the unwinding of asset-price booms, growing current-account and fiscal deficits, rising leverage, and a reduction or outright reversal in capital inflows.
The turning point came in 2013, when the expectation of rising interest rates in the United States and falling global commodity prices brought an end to a multi-year capital-inflow bonanza that had been supporting emerging economies’
growth.
With the world’s richest 1% now owning 40% of its assets, the benefits of
growth
are not being shared in a way that is either economically efficient or politically sustainable.
In the 1950s, a war-ravaged South Korea had Asia’s third-lowest per capita income, highest inflation, and slowest rate of
growth.
Much of this success was due to a shift from foreign-aid dependency to export-led
growth.
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