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Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

Since 2008, real (inflation-adjusted) cumulative growth in the developed economies has amounted to a mere 5-6%.
While China’s GDP has risen by about 70%, making it the largest contributor to global growth, this was aided substantially by debt-fueled investment.
And, indeed, as that stimulus wanes, the impact of inadequate advanced-country demand on Chinese growth is becoming increasingly apparent.
Growth is being undermined from all sides.
Public-sector investment is now below the level needed to sustain robust growth, owing to its insufficient contribution to aggregate demand and productivity gains.
And, indeed, debt and unfunded non-debt liabilities increasingly weigh down public-sector balance sheets and pension funds, eroding the foundations of resilient, sustainable growth.
But if the best way to reduce sovereign over-indebtedness is to achieve higher nominal GDP growth (the combination of real growth and inflation), cutting investment – a key ingredient in a pro-growth-strategy – is not a sound approach.
But the channels for such investment – which could go a long way toward boosting global growth – are clogged.
Price growth is well below targets and declining in many countries.
If this turns to full-blown deflation, accompanied by uncontrolled rising real interest rates, the risk to growth would be serious.
Tradable ProsperityMILAN – The global economy is experiencing a major growth challenge.
Many advanced countries are attempting to revive sustainable growth in the face of a decelerating global economy.
In the non-tradable sector (60-70% of the economy in advanced countries), the main growth inhibitors are weak demand, as in the United States following the financial crisis, and structural and competitive impediments to productivity, as in Japan.
In the tradable sector, growth depends on a country’s productivity relative to incomes and competitiveness.
The Nobel laureate economist Robert Solow has shown that growth comes from three sources: the working population, capital investment, and technological progress.
On the other hand, economic growth below the sum of growth in the working population and the labor-saving part of technological change fuels unemployment.
Developing countries, once they enter rapid-growth mode, generate growth from capital deepening via investment, in a sense making up for past underinvestment.
So a legitimate part of a strategy to restore growth is investment.
Often, these limits are not binding, but, once capital deepening is exhausted, technological progress, which makes inputs more productive in creating final value, is the long-run driver of growth.
The challenge is to apply these insights in a world characterized by global economic interdependence, major imbalances, and a worsening growth and employment problem.
A shortfall in non-tradable demand inevitably limits growth on that side of the economy.
Government can, of course, bridge the gap via deficit spending (preferably focused on employment-generating investment that enhances future growth).
But the advanced countries are, to varying degrees, fiscally constrained by relatively high and rising public debt, largely owing to fiscal imbalances that were hidden from view until defective growth models broke down in the crisis of 2008.
The more complex growth issues have to do with the tradable part of the global economy, where global aggregate demand – and the derived demand that lands in various places in global supply or value-added chains – is the target of competition.
Total demand and its growth do matter, but so does market share.
Given the growth patterns across advanced and developing countries prior to the crisis, and then the large negative shock, it is likely that there is a shortfall of tradable global aggregate demand, impeding an important component of global growth.
Unlike the non-tradable side of the economy, the domestic component of global tradable demand is not an absolute constraint on growth; nor is the rate of growth of global tradable demand an absolute constraint, given the possibility of increasing share.
Fortunately, if countries increase productivity with the aim of boosting relative productivity and growth potential on the tradable side, this will increase incomes and accelerate the growth of global aggregate demand.
When incomes get significantly out of line with productivity levels (as they have recently), reviving growth requires resetting the terms of trade, which can be done with exchange rates, whether managed or set by markets.
In the eurozone, where countries with competitiveness problems do not have the exchange-rate adjustment mechanism, restrained income growth and productivity-boosting reforms are probably needed, as was the case in Germany between 2000 and 2006, and now in several southern European countries.
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