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Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

In short, solidarity has come to mean redistribution rather than growth (which is how today's generation expresses solidarity with respect to future generations), while subsidiarity has come to mean the distribution of political power, rather than a careful delineation of the boundaries between the state, civil society, and the market.
Indeed, focusing on market-based growth has often been identified with the semi-alien values of America.
State institutions should deliver public goods (like defense, justice, and fiscal and monetary policy), society should deliver social goods (like culture, education, and assistance to needy people), and the market should deliver economic goods (which are connected with profits, growth, and employment).
Yet little progress has been made in equipping young people to drive India’s future growth.
As a result, India’s flourishing private sector and dazzling economic growth mean very little to most of its citizens.
But their embrace of the free market was accompanied by expanded access to education and health care, making their growth more equitable.
Without it, lopsided growth is bound to exacerbate the huge cleavages in Indian society.
Divergences between euro-area economies in terms of growth and inflation have been a persistent challenge.
In a potentially more volatile twenty-first century global economy, we must reap the maximum benefits of economic integration in terms of growth and jobs.
These ideas, combined with effective policy practice like that of the US Federal Reserve under Paul Volcker’s chairmanship, led many countries worldwide toward more explicit inflation targeting, in which central banks stabilize inflation expectations by making a credible commitment to a predetermined rate of price growth.
Despite the euphoria around shale gas – indeed, despite weak global growth – commodity prices have risen by as much as 150% in the aftermath of the financial crisis.
And the rapid economic growth that China’s leaders must sustain in order to lift enormous numbers of people out of poverty – and thus prevent a crisis of legitimacy – places a floor under global food, energy, and mineral prices.
One explanation for the difference is accelerating wage growth across developing regions, which is raising commodity demand, whereas stagnating wages in developed markets are causing the reserve price to decline.
Ultimately, emerging economies’ absolute size and rate of growth both matter in charting commodity demand and the future trajectory of global commodity prices, with per capita income clearly linked to consumers’ wealth.
A society’s wealth relative to its annual income will grow (or shrink) to a level equal to its net savings rate divided by its growth rate.
2.Time and chance inevitably lead to the concentration of wealth in the hands of a relatively small group: call them “the rich.”3.The economy’s growth rate falls as the low-hanging fruit of industrialization is picked; meanwhile, the net savings rate rises, owing to a rollback of progressive taxation, the end of the chaotic destruction of the first half of the twentieth century, and the absence of compelling sociological reasons for the rich to spend their incomes or their wealth rather than save it.
A society in which the wealth-to-annual-income ratio is a very large multiple of the growth rate is one in which control over wealth falls to heirs – what Geier elsewhere has called an “heiristocracy”; such a society is even more unpleasant in many ways than one dominated by a meritocratic and entrepreneurial rich elite.
But that will not work, because big questions – “Will population growth outstrip resources and threaten civilization?”
The book’s argument revolves around a number of accounting identities that relate saving, growth, and the return to capital to the distribution of wealth in a society.
Under plausible assumptions – namely that the wealthy save enough – the ratio of inherited wealth to income (or wages) continues to increase as long as r, the average rate of return to capital, exceeds g, the growth rate of the economy as a whole.
Productivity gains had stalled, energy prices were high, the backlog of potential technologies that originated in the Great Depression had been exhausted, and waning benefits from economies of scale led nearly every economist to project that economic growth would be slower in the future than it had been in the past.
With productivity growth stagnating for almost two decades, it made sense back then to argue that the US government’s social-insurance commitments (Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid) were excessive and so had to be scaled back.
The intervening years have seen an explosion of technological innovation that has carried America’s general productivity growth back up to its pre-slowdown levels.
The highest priority problem is the overall budget’s medium-run outlook, as the Bush tax cuts have opened Reagan-size deficits that threaten to cripple US economic growth.
Investments in education provided a catalyst for economic growth, job creation, and increased social mobility.
Countries that fail to build inclusive education systems face the prospect of sluggish growth, rising inequality, and lost opportunities in world trade.
Harvard economist Ricardo Hausmann recently berated what he describes as the “education, education, education crowd” for advocating an “education-only” strategy for growth.
Of course education is not an automatic route to growth.
None of this detracts from the vital role of education – not just years of schooling, but genuine learning – as an essential component of growth.
One step up the standard deviation score on the OECD’s Program for International Student Assessment is associated with a 2% increase in a country’s long-run per capita growth rate.
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