Growth in sentence

19851 examples of Growth in a sentence

Programs like a reasonable minimum wage, affordable healthcare, paid sick leave, and the progressive taxation necessary to pay for the important infrastructure necessary for the middle class like education, R and D, these are indispensable tools shrewd capitalists should embrace to drive growth, because no one benefits from it like us.

I disagree, and I think that it is equally a tool that humans use to enforce and encode our social and moral preferences and prejudices about status and power, which is why plutocrats like me have always needed to find persuasive stories to tell everyone else about why our relative positions are morally righteous and good for everyone: like, we are indispensable, the job creators, and you are not; like, tax cuts for us create growth, but investments in you will balloon our debt and bankrupt our great country; that we matter; that you don't.

Most of the organizations, however, were limiting their growth in agriculture.

Peseshet probes the growth and finds it cool to the touch and hard like an unripe hemat fruit.

Also we can monitor the growth of this forest without being on site.

And interestingly, what we found was that this cocktail of drugs really had no effect on tumor growth, but directly targeted metastases.

In fact, the spread of cancer, metastasis, is thought of as a byproduct of tumor growth.

We, on the other hand, came up with the drug cocktail that targets metastasis not by targeting tumor growth, but by targeting the complex mechanisms that govern it, through the targeting of the Hasini effect.

Today, our team has grown, and we are using the Hasini effect to develop combination therapies that will effectively target tumor growth and metastases.

But at the same time, the people of China are asking the question: What's the value of this growth if our cities are unlivable?

They've analyzed, diagnosed that this is an unsustainable path of growth and development.

Now, the growth of China is part of a dramatic change, fundamental change, in the structure of the world economy.

Over the next two decades, we'll see the demand for energy rise by 40 percent, and the growth in the economy and in the population is putting increasing pressure on our land, on our water and on our forests.

We can have better growth, better climate, a better world.

So I've been working on the history of income and wealth distribution for the past 15 years, and one of the interesting lessons coming from this historical evidence is indeed that, in the long run, there is a tendency for the rate of return of capital to exceed the economy's growth rate, and this tends to lead to high concentration of wealth.

And intuitively, the reason why the difference between the rate of return to wealth and the growth rate is important is that initial wealth inequalities will be amplified at a faster pace with a bigger r minus g.

And this was in a way very obvious to everybody for a simple reason, which is that growth was close to zero percent during most of the history of mankind.

Growth was maybe 0.1, 0.2, 0.3 percent, but very slow growth of population and output per capita, whereas the rate of return on capital of course was not zero percent.

Now, one important conclusion of my historical research is that modern industrial growth did not change this basic fact as much as one might have expected.

Of course, the growth rate following the Industrial Revolution rose, typically from zero to one to two percent, but at the same time, the rate of return to capital also rose so that the gap between the two did not really change.

And then, in the postwar period, you had unusually high growth rate, partly due to the reconstruction.

You know, in Germany, in France, in Japan, you had five percent growth rate between 1950 and 1980 largely due to reconstruction, and also due to very large demographic growth, the Baby Boom Cohort effect.

Now, apparently that's not going to last for very long, or at least the population growth is supposed to decline in the future, and the best projections we have is that the long-run growth is going to be closer to one to two percent rather than four to five percent.

So if you look at this, these are the best estimates we have of world GDP growth and rate of return on capital, average rates of return on capital, so you can see that during most of the history of mankind, the growth rate was very small, much lower than the rate of return, and then during the 20th century, it is really the population growth, very high in the postwar period, and the reconstruction process that brought growth to a smaller gap with the rate of return.

It could be that we all start having a lot of children in the future, and the growth rates are going to be higher, but from now on, these are the best projections we have, and this will make global growth decline and the gap between the rate of return go up.

This is the after-tax rate of return, and after destruction, and this is what brought the average rate of return after tax, after destruction, below the growth rate during a long time period.

So let me say that the balance between returns on capital and growth depends on many different factors that are very difficult to predict: technology and the development of capital-intensive techniques.

So we take measures to lower inequality, and at the same time we lower growth, potentially.

I think inequality up to a point can actually be useful for innovation and growth.

When inequality gets too extreme, then it becomes useless for growth and it can even become bad because it tends to lead to high perpetuation of inequality over time and low mobility.

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