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Gains in sentence

1773 examples of Gains in a sentence

If the economic frustration that drove so many Americans to vote for Trump is to be dissipated during his presidency, and if the market gains are to be validated and augmented, this prospect must become a reality.
Left unchecked, climate change – along with other unsustainable patterns of development – could wipe out the gains of recent decades.
In the earlier rounds of European integration, from the 1950’s to the 1980’s, the big states received very obvious gains, which their politicians could easily present as such to voters.
If the large states are to obtain similar gains, and their politicians are to recover voters’ respect, their governments will have to accept the small-state logic and abandon the Great Power posturing of the past.
These global gains would be in addition to the benefits for individual companies.
Otherwise, Egyptians’ hard-won political gains may well be lost.
More importantly, China needs either to privatize its SOEs, so that their profits become income for households, or to tax their profits at a far higher rate and transfer the fiscal gains to households.
Iran’s regional foreign policy has not yet caught up with its new pre-eminence; it is making as many enemies as it is gaining friends, and it might squander the windfall gains that it made in the past three years.
Developing countries have learned over time that real income growth and employment expansion are driven by productivity gains, not exchange-rate movements.
Moreover, evidence demonstrates that migrants rarely displace native workers, and that any “brain drain” is often offset by gains from outward migration, including remittances.
Really big gains cannot be picked up through uncoordinated individual actions.
The gains have been particularly strong in the distribution sectors – wholesale and retail trade – as well as in finance and real estate.
International efforts, led by the World Bank and other international donors, have tended to focus on strengthening relations between the state and its citizens in order to achieve “Tocquevillian” gains – that is, operational democracy and effective government.
This pattern contrasts sharply with the classic East Asian growth experience (such as in South Korea and China), in which structural change and gains in non-agricultural labor productivity both contributed strongly to overall growth.
Though major breakthroughs are difficult to achieve, they result in overall gains for all participants.
But, generally, wellbeing has been improving since at least the mid-eighteenth century, with the Industrial Revolution bringing a sharp acceleration in welfare gains.
China could usefully explore shifting part of the burden from labor toward property, capital gains, and inheritance taxes.
Now Yanukovych is trying to reverse the country’s democratic gains, but he is finding it difficult, despite imprisoning many opposition leaders.
With inequality still a problem (though nowhere near as acute as elsewhere in Latin America), more progressive and comprehensive income, capital gains, and property taxes are essential.
The rich receive a disproportionately large share of their income through capital gains, and to tax capital gains at rates lower than other forms of income exacerbates inequality and leads to distortions.
While economists differ on many matters, one thing they can agree on is that taxing the revenues or capital gains derived from Costa Rica’s land won’t cause the land to move away.
Thus, the eurozone-wide gains from European bonds are likely to be negligible.
The most expensive deployment reduces the risk of conflict by a massive 30 percentage points, with ten-year gains of $75 billion, compared to the overall cost of $8.5 billion.
Arguments which say that, because no direct security risk exists there is no need for a Nato guarantee of the Baltics – a view that sometimes gains attention in Berlin – break with this redefinition.
They should make a few things very well and exchange them for other goods that are made better elsewhere, thus exploiting the gains from trade.
Using a measure of “comprehensive income” – money income, total capital gains on wealth, imputed rent on owner-occupied housing, non-cash government benefits, and public consumption – income taxes are generally progressive.
Federal income taxes as a proportion of income increase steadily from 2% at the 10th percentile (that is, a family ranked tenth from the bottom out of 100) to 14% at the 90th percentile, but then falls off slightly to 13% at the very top, reflecting the favorable treatment of capital gains and investment income under the Bush administration’s income-tax laws.
Total personal taxes are mildly progressive, increasing steadily as a share of income from 14% at the 10th percentile to 28% at the 90th percentile, but then falling off sharply to 22% at the top, owing to the favorable treatment of capital gains and investment income, the wage cap on social security taxes, and the sharp regressivity of sales taxes.
The productivity gains that failed to materialize during this period are lost forever: many people who have experienced long-term unemployment or have left the labor force are unlikely to return to work, and Europe will be lucky if productivity growth accelerates somewhat and approaches pre-crisis trends – better than nothing, but hardly satisfactory.
To end the current stalemate and unlock its economic potential, Europe needs a new “compact” (to use the current jargon) that addresses simultaneously the demand shortfall, impediments to productivity gains, and the quality of growth.
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