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Funds in sentence

2629 examples of Funds in a sentence

At the beginning of the crisis, Greece’s European creditors eschewed debt relief and charged punitive interest rates on bailout funds.
For example, a recent Jordanian decision to freeze all Iraqi government funds held in Jordanian banks produced accusations by the Jordanian opposition that Jordan had stabbed Iraq in the back.
In the early postwar years, the US plugged up European countries’ current-account gaps with Marshall Plan funds.
That led to the next step: Foreign firms wishing to invest in China were allowed to tap those deposits by issuing renminbi-denominated bonds, and eligible offshore financial institutions were permitted to invest renminbi funds in China’s interbank bond market.
As savings (and hence the global supply of loanable funds) increased, real rates came under downward pressure.
Reflecting the fear that the Fed’s current policy of sustained low interest rates will lead to higher inflation, the law would require the Fed to adopt a formal procedure for setting its key short-term interest rate, the “federal funds rate.”
It states that the federal funds rate should be 2% plus the current inflation rate plus one-half of the difference between current and target inflation and one-half of the percentage difference between current and full-employment GDP.
All of this implies that if the economy is at full employment and targeted inflation, the federal funds rate should equal 2% plus the rate of inflation.
While the federal funds rate may be heading to 1% over the next 12 or 18 months, by then the narrowing GDP gap will imply an even higher Taylor-rule interest rate.
And, complicating things further, given US banks’ vast holdings of excess reserves as a result of the Fed’s bond-buying policies (quantitative easing), the federal funds rate is no longer the key policy rate that it once was.
The Army Corps of Engineers’ budget for levee construction in New Orleans was gutted, including funds specifically aimed at the Southeast Louisiana Urban Flood Control Project.
By contrast, a more needy Louisiana (with its staggering 24% poverty rate) was denied its request for flood-mitigation funds in 2004.
Reforming governance implies significant progress toward economic unification: centralizing European debt through Eurobonds, mobilizing sufficient rescue funds, allowing the European Central Bank to intervene in the primary bond markets, and establishing both a fiscal and a banking union.
Recent IMF experience suggests that, through appropriate coordination, private funds could be mobilized for big private-public partnership projects linking demand expansion with infrastructure investment.
For many years, the US has lived beyond its means: a household saving rate close to zero and investment financed solely with foreign funds.
As one of the world’s smaller polluters, Pakistan is well within its rights in seeking resources and funds to cope with the impact of problems for which it is not responsible.
The problem is not that emerging economies have no desire to borrow; they desperately need funds for infrastructure and other investments.
For starters, the Bank is uniquely placed to play the role of a “balancer” in the international aid system, helping to ensure that funds flow toward the countries that most need them.
The government follows a wise fiscal strategy that involves budget surpluses in years when copper revenue is high, with the additional funds channeled to a national stabilization fund.
But the negative interest rates resulted in shrinking German pension funds, while the asset purchases magnified inequality in Germany.
The “Volcker rule,” whereby commercial banks would be barred from trading on their own account, and from owning hedge funds and private-equity firms, languishes in Congress.
As part of the climate negotiations, new mechanisms for mobilizing funds are being suggested, with levies on air travel and taxes on financial transactions perhaps the best known.
But the most important of all financial flows are the illicit funds that pour out of so many developing countries, which the Tax Justice Network estimates to be around ten times the development aid that they receive.
Foreign investors are repatriating their funds on an unprecedented scale.
But some of the largest funds – in fact, most of the brand names in the industry – use the clever trick of securing the debt they issue with collateral owned by the company they buy.
Appelbaum and Batt document in impressive detail the way in which top-tier private-equity funds have been able to earn high returns and ultimately enormous wealth for their founders, while not necessarily helping the companies in which they invest.
Interestingly, when returns are measured properly, the outside “limited” partners in private equity – including pension funds, insurance companies, and university endowments – also do not necessarily do so well.
However, before graduates flock to private equity, they should know that only the very big funds can use debt to skew returns for insiders in this way, primarily because only they can raise the capital needed to buy well-established companies that are rich in fixed assets, and thus in potential collateral.
Smaller private-equity funds typically buy into younger, smaller companies without such fixed assets, and the leverage in those deals is commensurately less.
China could create a system in which broad equity stakes – held by pension, social security, or sovereign wealth funds – are professionally managed, thereby guaranteeing not only that the long-term risk-adjusted ROE is higher than the real (inflation-adjusted) GDP growth rate and the nominal interest rate, but also that the gains are shared widely among the population.
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