Fiscal
in sentence
6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence
But it also must understand that too abrupt a
fiscal
adjustment can cause a political backlash that jeopardizes the credibility of the overall package.
In addition to some additional
fiscal
tightening, the Fund should insist that the authorities clarify the rules of the exchange-rate regime as the emergency recedes.
The small states of the mid-nineteenth century, with no
fiscal
transfers out of a relatively limited area, might be recreated.
For example, political obstacles to comprehensive economic policymaking in many advanced economies have undermined the implementation of structural reforms and responsive
fiscal
policies in recent years, holding back business investment, undermining productivity growth, worsening inequality, and threatening future potential growth.
One key barrier to agreement is the perennial conflict over the appropriate burden of defense on national budgets – a conflict that is particularly intense in today’s environment of
fiscal
anxiety.
Resilient IndiaNEW DELHI – With the world’s most developed economies reeling under the incubus of what is already being called the Great Recession, India at the beginning of the year took stock and issued a revised estimate for GDP growth in the 2008-2009
fiscal
year.
Investors are returning, and FDI inflows this
fiscal
year are set to exceed the $25 billion received in 2007-08.
Likewise, preserving today’s good politics also requires that we give urgent attention to four topics: the political and social limits of globalization; the financialization of the real economy; the role of
fiscal
and monetary policy; and the delinking of rewards from work in an era of accelerating automation.
Cuts must go well beyond 2.5% to create confidence that the Real Plan finally has its counterpart in
fiscal
stabilization.
Markets will give Trump the benefit of the doubt, for now; but investors are now watching whom he appoints to his administration, what shape his
fiscal
policies actually take, and what course he charts for monetary policy.
Looser
fiscal
policy and tighter monetary policy should, as in former President Ronald Reagan’s first term, strengthen the dollar; but if Trump pushes the US toward protectionism, he will generate economic and geopolitical tail risks that would weaken the dollar and increase US country risk.
Similarly, Trump’s
fiscal
policies would also weaken the dollar over time – after an initial significant appreciation – as the substantially higher deficit spending would be financed either with easy money or bond issues that increase US sovereign risk.
The net impact of all these factors on the dollar will all depend on how loose
fiscal
policy becomes, and on how tight monetary policy becomes.
Looser
fiscal
policy would help short-term economic growth; but tighter monetary policy would undercut those gains.
Equity markets will undoubtedly favor Trump’s proposals to loosen
fiscal
policy, deregulate business and finance, and cut taxes.
Moreover, the G20 has lately lost steam in supporting closer coordination of monetary and
fiscal
policies among the world’s major advanced and emerging economies.
There is a consensus, for instance, on sound
fiscal
and monetary policies: no one wants to return to the hyperinflation of earlier decades.
First, in resource-intensive countries, especially the region’s eight oil exporters,
fiscal
consolidation plans must be enacted without delay.
In much of the rest of the region, the required
fiscal
adjustment is more modest and can be achieved through steady increases in tax revenues.
While fears of meltdown have dissipated, these policies have been maintained or extended, with policymakers citing the fragility of the ongoing economic recovery and the absence of other, equally strong policy levers – such as
fiscal
policy or structural reforms – that could replace monetary policy quickly enough.
Central Banking DefloweredFLORENCE – After the European Central Bank announced on May 9 that it would buy the government bonds of Mediterranean countries experiencing severe
fiscal
strains, critics complained that the Bank had “lost its virginity.”
There are obvious risks: non-conventional monetary policy might be considered a sort of
fiscal
policy, in which the central bank is allocating or redistributing resources to a particular constituency: the housing market in the case of the US, or recipients of government largesse in the European case.
The threat of a default on US sovereign debt has been lifted – for now – but the deeper problem persists: For America’s Republicans and Democrats, negotiating a
fiscal
grand compromise appears to carry higher costs than playing a game of brinkmanship, even at the risk of default.
With some members inside of the eurozone, and others remaining outside of it, and with disparate economic interests and monetary and
fiscal
traditions even within the eurozone, agreement is difficult.
Governments and the bond market will test the seriousness of the newly agreed
fiscal
guidelines (if they are ratified).
Regardless of how these governance and
fiscal
issues are resolved, or muddled through, Europe’s banks remain a thorny issue.
Nevertheless, they spent a great deal of time squabbling over
fiscal
policies, in disagreements between creditors and debtors, and fights over the currency.
According to this view, the system is unreformable, and real change will be possible only after it finally collapses, perhaps owing to
fiscal
weakness, since the combination of deficit-financed transfers, low growth, and low labor-market participation may prove unsustainable.
The social strains of high unemployment – especially among young people – may force decisive change even before any
fiscal
meltdown.
Given the German public’s deep-rooted sentiment in favor of
fiscal
probity, anything else would have been politically self-defeating.
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