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Fiscal in sentence

6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence

Of course, monetary expansion should be accompanied by a less contractionary fiscal stance in industrial countries.
But the advanced economies’ room for fiscal maneuver is more limited than it was in 2007-2008, and America’s political gridlock has deepened, all but ruling out further stimulus through budgetary channels.
In fact, the fiscal policies that Germany’s emerging government is discussing bear a remarkable resemblance to those of US President Donald Trump, whose tax plan, most economists agree, will bring limited short-term benefits to a few, but huge long-term costs to many more.
Moreover, Germany’s government should use its fiscal space to invest in education, in particular in pre-schools and primary schools.
But that is no reason for the government to waste its sizable fiscal surplus on economically useless tax cuts and spending increases.
If the eurozone wants to be more closely integrated, as it should be, it needs to have its own treasury and budget, to serve as a fiscal authority alongside its monetary authority, the European Central Bank.
Both parties want to relax the European fiscal straitjacket, though in different ways.
There is little doubt, therefore, that the European Union will insist on fiscal discipline.
The question is what strategy Italy should adopt to tackle its fiscal problem.
The reason why France has a significantly lower debt today is that it inherited a better fiscal position and has been growing faster.
The latter would be well advised to put the need for a growth and productivity policy, rather than simple adherence to fiscal targets, at the top of the agenda.
But the cost is enormous: a colossal fiscal deficit that jeopardizes future growth.
The counterpart of America's immense fiscal deficit is its yawning trade gap.
In assigning blame for this dismal track record, Democrats point to the fact that Republicans turned off the spigot of fiscal stimulus in 2010, and then refused to turn it back on.
There is much more truth to the argument offered by the Democrats, even if Obama and his team also deserve a fair share of the blame for pursuing inappropriate fiscal austerity in the early stages of the recovery.
For example, Fed policymakers, with a few honorable exceptions, still insist that they did the best they could, considering the fiscal headwinds at the time.
At the same time, right-leaning economists still busy themselves arguing that the Obama administration’s fiscal policies and then-Fed Chair Ben Bernanke’s monetary policies were dangerously inflationary.
But as Christina D. Romer and David H. Romer of the University of California, Berkeley, have shown, countries throughout the post-war period that lacked the monetary or fiscal space to deal with a financial crisis often suffered from output shortfalls of 10% or more even a decade after the fact.
Throughout the crisis, the Chinese economy continued to grow at an amazing pace, in part as a consequence of massive fiscal stimulus.
So, too, are signs of newfound policy discipline – such as a central bank that seems determined to wean China off excessive credit creation and fiscal authorities that have resisted the timeworn temptation of yet another massive round of spending initiatives to counter a slowdown.
But the authorities also must address the enormous debts already accumulated, by using fiscal resources to fund bank recapitalization.
Meanwhile, increased fiscal expenditure on social welfare could help reduce high household savings rates, supporting the necessary shift to a more consumption-driven economy.
And yet, despite talk at the Shanghai G20 meeting in February about fiscal stimulus, China’s latest plans are for a 2016 fiscal deficit of 3%, no higher than in 2015.
Addressing it is a task primarily for fiscal authorities.
The negotiations were such that the hair of Akira Amari, Japan’s economic and fiscal policy minister, turned completely grey.
Because there is a growing fear among governments that such benefits will occur only in the future, the commitment to fiscal restraint that marked the run up to the euro’s birth is softening as leaders seek to reconcile the single currency with the urgent need to promote growth and employment.
Member countries will no longer have their individual monetary policies, or even discretionary fiscal policies for that matter.
Subsidies for R&D, together with fiscal incentives and limitations on foreign companies in African markets, could give local companies the space they need to build up their capabilities.
Thus, Trump will be able to implement the Keynesian fiscal stimulus that Obama often proposed but was unable to deliver.
Moreover, at a time of insufficient global demand and fiscal constraints in the developed countries, there is an urgent need for new drivers of growth.
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