Fiscal
in sentence
6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence
A difficult
fiscal
conversation still lies ahead at the federal level, but cuts and contractions of various types seem likely.
Is this contracting in the light of our current
fiscal
pressures?
None of this bodes well for a serious program of eurozone reform, which would have to include a genuine banking union, a limited
fiscal
union, and much stronger mechanisms of democratic accountability.
Indeed, in virtually all advanced economies, high levels of inequality, strains on the middle class, and aging populations will fuel political strife in a context of unemployment and scarce
fiscal
resources.
They immobilize
fiscal
policy, lead to serious distortions in the financial system, trigger political fights over taxation, and incite costly distributional conflicts.
The wave of corporate investment that was supposed to be unleashed by a combination of
fiscal
restraint (to rein in government debt) and monetary easing (to generate ultra-low interest rates) has never materialized.
Fiscal
austerity and ultra-low interest rates have also proven ineffective at stimulating household demand – and they may be backfiring.
And such an approach would cement the notion that central bank policy is “the only game in town,” relieving elected government leaders of their responsibility for pro-growth policies and the
fiscal
decisions they control.
Yet governments across Europe have clamped down on infrastructure spending for years, giving precedence to
fiscal
austerity and debt reduction in the misguided belief that government borrowing crowds out private investment and reduces growth.
These tools, along with excessive
fiscal
austerity, may have higher costs in terms of foregone employment and growth – and rising political discontent – than “risky” alternative options.
China’s strong
fiscal
position today gives it a window of opportunity.
It should be clear that it is inappropriate for a country, or association of countries, at war to pursue
fiscal
austerity, as the EU continues to do.
But Germany has also been the main advocate of
fiscal
austerity, and Merkel needs to understand the contradiction between these positions.
That means modifying their commitment to
fiscal
austerity and recognizing that they are better off helping Ukraine to defend itself than hoping that they will not have to defend the EU themselves.
Of course, there is always
fiscal
policy to provide economic stimulus.
For the clumsiness of Chancellor Kohl in seeking to force the Bundesbank to revalue Germany's gold reserves (a
fiscal
fudge designed to allow Germany to meet the Maastrich criteria), and the fact that after the victories of Tony Blair in Britain and Jospin in France only Germany and Spain are now ruled by governments of the Right, should facilitate the search for a compromise.
The logic of a need for specific revenue applies also in modern Europe, where a reformed
fiscal
system might include common administration of value-added tax (with the additional benefit of eliminating a considerable amount of cross-border fraud).
In fact, the
fiscal
union proved to be explosive rather than adhesive.
During his presidential campaign in 2000, George W. Bush promised to renounce nation-building adventures abroad, to maintain
fiscal
discipline, and to treat greenhouses gases as pollutants under the Clean Air Act.
Fortunately for Trump, the self-proclaimed “fiscal conservatives” who preceded him have already established four magic tricks to use when making impossible
fiscal
promises – tricks that he is likely to imitate.
Moreover, the market’s change of heart can occur very quickly and without warning, giving governments little if any time to make the necessary
fiscal
adjustments.
Most booms are produced by bad monetary and
fiscal
policies.
If Montebourg prevails, however, the political squeeze will be on Mélenchon, because Montebourg represents the more conventional left: he notably quit Valls’s government in 2014 because it was pursuing austerity and supply-side policies, rather than the Keynesian
fiscal
stimulus he advocated.
Americans evidently hope for a world in which they can have feckless deficit-generating
fiscal
policies, a very low private savings rate, and a moderate rate of investment, all financed by foreign capital whose owners are happy to bear the risks yet have no control over their assets.
This could be achieved by monetary and
fiscal
policy: low interest rates and large state investment programs.
Trump’s
fiscal
plans, which involve massive tax cuts without credible reduction in spending, could cause US interest rates to spike, fueling turmoil in financial markets.
The Commission’s upcoming proposals are part of a broader package leading to economic, fiscal, and political union that will redefine the boundaries of European integration.
Ultimately, only the latter will allow for long-term
fiscal
sustainability.
And, on the revenue side, Europe needs a minimum of
fiscal
homogeneity, at least in terms of corporate taxation, in order to avoid a race to the bottom.
Wen said recently that China “should continue to implement a proactive
fiscal
policy and a prudent monetary policy, while giving more priority to maintaining growth.”
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