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Fiscal in sentence

6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence

For example, the court determined that the German parliament would have to be consulted each time a member country requested assistance, asserting that fiscal sovereignty forms the core of national sovereignty.
As a result, decisions taken by European politicians during their regular or emergency meetings may be reversible, particularly if they would undermine the German parliament’s fiscal authority.
Moreover, the court decided long ago that only the German public – not the government – may transfer fiscal sovereignty to Brussels.
The sales technique should be based on fiscal and regulatory concepts and be expressed in legal and financial jargon, which only experts can do.
Of course, trade is just one of many factors driving economic growth, which has been strong in the US this year, largely owing to late-cycle fiscal stimulus.
If anything, Trump’s protectionism is hurting the US trade balance (when one includes the effects of his administration’s fiscal policies).
His $787 billion fiscal stimulus was good.
And, unaccompanied by a credible medium-term fiscal strategy, it unnecessarily excited the apostles of fiscal doom.
The same middle-of-the-road approach can be taken in the second year to address the still-outstanding fiscal issues.
Medium-term fiscal reform, for its part, will be pushed by bond-market vigilantes.
For them, only a crisis can stop politicians from just kicking various cans farther down the road and, instead, catalyze the policy initiatives – greater fiscal, banking, and political union – that, together with monetary union, would ensure that the eurozone rests on a stable and sustainable four-legged platform.
Achieving these goals, TAD supporters recognize, would require policymakers to give food security high political and fiscal priority, in order to support the needed research and action.
Germany faces the prospect of a fiscal crisis as its population ages and its workforce shrinks.
In fiscal policy, as in national security, it is perfectly normal for a country to place its own interests ahead of others.
Gazprom faces a fine of 10% of its revenues, which totaled $177 billion in its last fiscal year.
Having entered the 2008-2009 crisis with sound initial conditions (including large international reserves, budget and balance-of-payments surpluses, and highly capitalized banks), they are nowhere near exhausting their fiscal and financial flexibility – and hence their capacity to respond to future shocks.
At the same time, the US fiscal deficit has increased dramatically, owing especially to debt-financed US military intervention in the Middle East and elsewhere.
These include the protection of property rights, effective contract enforcement, eradication of corruption, enhanced transparency and financial information, sound corporate governance, monetary and fiscal stability, debt sustainability, market-determined exchange rates, high-quality financial regulation, and prudential supervision.
Historically, fiscal profligacy tends to take hold at times like these, with windfall revenues wasted on extravagant public projects.
But, for the most part, fiscal and monetary policies have so far not followed leaders’ rhetorical promises of deep structural reforms and redistribution to favor the indigenous and the poor.
Even so, the danger of fiscal deficits and inflation persist in several countries.
Finally, some question whether, given America’s fiscal constraints, the US military can make the investments necessary to implement the rebalance.
To be sure, the US is facing a new fiscal reality, and the defense budget must be reduced by $487 billion over the next decade.
An UBI of $10,000 would make a real difference; but, depending on how many people qualify, that could cost as much as 10% or 15% of GDP – a huge fiscal outlay, particularly if it came on top of existing social programs.
Such policies are often implemented in response to fiscal or balance-of-payments crises and frequently squeeze living standards in the short term.
That agreement, which is now the blueprint for Greece’s relationship with the eurozone, perpetuates the five-year-long pattern of placing debt restructuring at the end of a sorry sequence of fiscal tightening, economic contraction, and program failure.
Indeed, the sequence of the new “bailout” envisaged in the July 12 agreement predictably begins with the adoption – before the end of the month – of harsh tax measures and medium-term fiscal targets equivalent to another bout of stringent austerity.
This would operate much like the bipartisan National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, established in 2010 to address America’s fiscal challenges, or the military-base-closing commissions of the 1980s and 1990s.
Tax cuts and interest-rate normalization, I expected, would shift the mix toward looser fiscal and tighter monetary policies, the combination that drove up the dollar in the Reagan-Volcker years.
The Financial Roots of the Eurozone SurplusLONDON – In December 2017, the eurozone’s current-account surplus reached an all-time high of €391 billion ($483 billion), prompting the usual calls for Germany to “do more” to resolve the imbalance through fiscal policy.
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