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Fiscal in sentence

6883 examples of Fiscal in a sentence

What grabbed headlines was that the IMF now believes that countries could even use capital controls, renamed “capital flow management measures,” if implemented alongside monetary and fiscal measures, accumulation of foreign-exchange reserves, and macroprudential financial regulations.
That, plus the gloomy international outlook and a fiscal policy that will have to become less expansionary after the election, will slow the economy down.
In such conditions, the Trump administration’s policy mix of massive tax cuts and spending increases – a fiscal stimulus as significant as the one used in 2009 to ward off an impeding depression – makes no economic sense.
Such an irresponsible game of chicken between America’s fiscal and monetary authorities heightens the risk of instability for the rest of the world, given global sensitivity to the US interest-rate cycle.
But in Italy, the ruling coalition has embarked on a fiscal stimulus while proposing measures that will reduce labor-force participation.
It is this policy inconsistency, more than Italy’s departure from the European Union’s fiscal rules, that is a serious cause of concern.
The standard prescription would be to let the ECB target the average inflation rate and to rely on national fiscal policies to fine-tune the macroeconomic stance.
But, because of elevated debts or remaining deficits, countries in need of further growth are also those that lack fiscal space.
Neither Greece nor Italy, nor even Spain or France, can currently contemplate a meaningful fiscal stimulus.
It would leave to the governments of countries at risk of overheating the task of using fiscal means to cool down their economies – and to those of the still-struggling countries the task of unlocking their economic potential.
The overall budget deficit is still predicted to be 4.1% of Greece’s GDP in 2013 – a substantial improvement compared to 2010 but still far from fiscal balance.
Fiscal transfers, whereby eurozone countries commit to provide funds to their distressed counterparts, could also work.
First, it would include credible plans in Europe and the US to restore fiscal balance.
Restructuring damages the euro, and fiscal consolidation in the distressed countries, while necessary, is probably not sufficient.
Greater fiscal centralization and political unification seem inevitable, but it may take time to muddle through to that outcome.
In the US, the main challenge is to restore fiscal balance without damaging the recovery and future growth.
Getting the balance correct is complicated by the fact that the right fears the left will use fiscal stimulus as a path to permanently larger government, a path that the right (and apparently the general public) is unwilling to follow.
With periodic bouts of contagion in the eurozone and residual uncertainty about America’s commitment to a strong dollar and fiscal discipline, major reserve holders in Asia and the Gulf need to become a stabilizing counterweight.
Unlike more established democracies, in which politics only effects the economy at the margins, Poland cannot coast along; it needs leadership from its politicians if the economic gains of the last few years are not to be wasted through lack of progress on privatization, fiscal and banking reform, and modernization of the legal system.
Simultaneous private deleveraging and fiscal consolidation are restricting eurozone growth far more than remaining restrictions on credit supply.
The US has pulled out of recession faster than the eurozone, not only – or even primarily – because it fixed its banking system faster, but because it pursued more stimulative fiscal policies.
But fiscal stimulus is constrained within the eurozone, where member countries no longer issue their own currency and “sovereign” debt therefore carries a default risk.
To survive and thrive, the eurozone will need to become more centralized, with some common fiscal revenues, expenditures, and debts.
Moreover, it would enable governments to monetize fiscal deficits without constraints, and potentially to abuse money-printing power for political considerations.
The strategy was supposed to use a mix of monetary and fiscal expansion to help facilitate structural reforms.
What advanced-country central banks should be doing now is implementing monetary policies aimed at restoring their credibility, while governments focus on implementing effective fiscal policies and structural reforms.
Last month, finance ministers and central-bank governors of the G-20 countries acknowledged the limitations of monetary stimulus and embraced structural reforms, infrastructure investment, and fiscal policy as the key to future growth.
Both sides will have to make an effort: Creditors must accept some risk, and debtors must enhance their creditworthiness through structural fiscal adjustment and reforms that improve their growth prospects.
One is that spending and growth are now under less pressure from fiscal consolidation.
The subsequent two years of neutral fiscal policy has made a positive difference for economic performance.
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