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Finance in sentence

3564 examples of Finance in a sentence

Member states need to introduce reforms aimed at achieving a 2% annual growth target, as agreed earlier this year by finance ministers.
Indeed, in some areas, prices are again under downward pressure, which could worsen if mortgage finance becomes less readily available and more expensive, as is possible.
But it was global trade and finance – the key forces shaping the economic outlook and financial market conditions with which central bankers grapple – that took center stage.
On the finance side, international capital flows and global imbalances were the primary focus.
As Ethan Ilzetzky, Kenneth Rogoff, and I document, because of the absence of alternatives, the dollar’s status as the world’s major reserve currency remains unchallenged, making it easy for the US to continue to finance current-account deficits.
This brings us back to the interactions between economics, politics, and finance, which are now fueling a tailspin that is harming Egypt’s citizens and threatening their children’s future.
To be sure, China already plays a significant role in international trade and finance, with major financial centers like London and Frankfurt eagerly lining up for renminbi business.
The eurozone, on the other hand, is governed by the officially unofficial Eurogroup, which comprises the member states’ finance ministers plus representatives of the ECB and, when discussing “economic programs in which it is involved,” the International Monetary Fund.
As Greece’s finance minister, I proposed a rate reduction for sales tax, income tax, and corporation tax, in order to broaden the tax base, increase revenues, and give Greece’s broken economy a boost.
Jordan Belfort was partly right: people who go into finance should not be too clever.
Ando and officials at Japan’s finance ministry are livid that China appears to be achieving its aims with little or no scrutiny.
Development banks exist to ensure reliability of finance, transparency in decision-making, and long-term environmental considerations.
The problem is that service industries ultimately have to compete for workers in the same national labor pool as sectors with fast productivity growth, such as finance, manufacturing, and information technology.
After all, everything depends on how those in power decide to organize elections, which can include redrawing voting districts or altering the rules governing campaign finance or political advertisements.
As mobile phones and digital technologies rapidly spread around the world, their implications for economic development, and particularly finance, have yet to be fully realized.
MGI estimates that if digital finance is widely adopted, it could add $3.7 trillion to emerging countries’ GDP by 2025.
Digital finance can boost GDP in several ways.
As for financial inclusion, digital finance has two positive effects.
Second, digital finance reduces costs: MGI estimates that it would cost financial-service providers 80-90% less – about $10 per year, compared to the $100 per year it costs today – to offer customers digital accounts than accounts through traditional bank branches.
With digital finance, as many as 1.6 billion unbanked people – more than half of whom are women – could gain access to financial services, shifting about $4.2 trillion in cash and savings currently held in informal vehicles into the formal financial system.
Traditional financial-services accounts tend to grow at the pace of national income, but M-Pesa’s adoption rate has been dramatically faster, demonstrating that digital finance can achieve significant market penetration rapidly even in the world’s poorest countries.
With billions of people in emerging economies already using mobile phones, digital finance makes this goal achievable.
A bankruptcy system that allows entrepreneurs to survive the inevitable failures that accompany innovation, as well as stronger protection of intellectual property and improved access to equity finance, are also needed.
In the Senate, while supporting President Bush’s war of choice in Iraq, he has been prepared to stand up for his independent judgment on issues such as campaign finance reform and climate change.
The mortgage crisis and the credit crunch have led to bailouts for the banks and the nationalization of housing finance and insurance.
Signaling its opposition, the California legislature recently introduced for consideration new bills to finance legal services for immigrants fighting deportation and to ban the use of state and local resources for immigration enforcement on constitutional grounds.
But the rapid run-up in equity prices also carries considerable risks – namely, the possibility that the financial sector will misuse the newfound liquidity to finance more speculative investment in asset bubbles, while supporting old industries with excess capacity.
So long as inflation was the real and present danger, it made sense to delegate monetary policy to conservative central bankers insulated from pressure to finance government budget deficits.
Back in 2011, I noted that finance and insurance in the United States accounted for 2.8% of GDP in 1950 compared to 8.4% of GDP three years after the worst financial crisis in almost 80 years.
The reason, I proposed, was that “[t]here are two sustainable ways to make money in finance: find people with risks that need to be carried and match them with people with unused risk-bearing capacity, or find people with such risks and match them with people who are clueless but who have money.”
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