Finance
in sentence
3564 examples of Finance in a sentence
It would be nice to believe that when the tide of dollar-denominated securities ebbs, the flows of
finance
currently directed at America will smoothly shift course and boost investment in Asia.
With the International Monetary Fund/World Bank meetings coming up later this month in Washington, DC, leading central bankers and
finance
ministers will have ringside seats at Ground Zero.
Connectivity is a prerequisite for the delivery of new mobile and digital services in e-commerce, vocational training, health care, and finance, all of which could substantially increase overall welfare.
An efficient supply-side response to this large and growing source of demand requires regulatory reform in many services, including finance, product safety, transport, and logistics.
Countries that rely excessively on world markets and global
finance
to fuel their economic growth will also be at a disadvantage.
Proponents of helicopter money – directly crediting citizens with central bank funds, or crediting national treasuries to
finance
infrastructure and other demand-generating activities – rightly argue that it has the advantage of putting money directly into the hands of those who will spend it.
But Wolf’s solution is not enough, for the problem is not confined to high
finance.
To allay concerns about money being poorly spent, microfinance institutions should reward SME owners who use loans to
finance
climate-change resilience and renewable-energy projects.
One idea, in particular, has attracted a lot of attention in the press, mostly because it comes from Lou Jiwei, a former minister of
finance
who now heads the National Council for Social Security Fund, China’s national pension fund.
Alexander Hamilton’s Eurozone TourPRINCETON – Europe’s debt crisis has piqued Europeans’ interest in American precedents for federal
finance.
Hamilton emphasized the importance of a commitment to sound
finance
as a prerequisite to public economy.
While that logic certainly appeals to Europeans today, Hamilton insisted on a stronger reason for pursuing sound
finance
than merely the pursuit of expediency.
Indeed, public virtue made federal
finance
what he called “the powerful cement of our union.”
The US experiment in federalized
finance
was not immediately successful.
Nor did the Hamiltonian scheme of federal
finance
guarantee a peaceful commonwealth.
The Civil War revealed the centrality of a common foundation of morality to Hamilton’s approach to debt and public
finance.
The situation in the US is particularly glaring, given that health care accounts for a bigger share of GDP than manufacturing, retail, finance, or insurance.
The same is true of Russia, whose oligarchs, as well as the huge state investment fund that
finance
minister Alexi Kudrin has created, also want to invest their oil revenues in the US.
Oil prices are plummeting;Russia’s
finance
minister estimates that the country’s losses since last spring have surpassed $140 billion.
Whereas the front used to run between government and the owners of the means of production – the industrialists, the rentiers – now, it runs between governments and
finance.
The new focus on the need to tame the power of
finance
is largely a consequence of globalization.
Multinational corporations use retained earnings to
finance
R&D, but because this approach can adversely affect a company’s stock valuation, even they tend to be conservative in pushing new ideas forward.
Compare that scenario with the way that multinationals
finance
infrastructure investments.
In January, ECB President Mario Draghi effectively sidestepped both obstacles by launching a program of quantitative easing so enormous that it will
finance
the entire deficits of all eurozone governments (now including Greece) and mutualize a significant proportion of their outstanding bonds.
Moreover, European governments have belatedly understood the most basic principle of public
finance.
Several other areas of reform – in finance, labor markets, foreign investment, tax reform – await action.
But perhaps
finance
ministers in Lima, Bogota, Pretoria, or Jakarta should have been more careful about what they wished for.
Instead of a specific insurance scheme, Colombia created conditions for a new class of insurers to compete for clients and a new funding mechanism to
finance
them.
But do they know that Bo’s administration borrowed the equivalent of more than 50% of local GDP to
finance
the construction binge, and that a large portion of the debt will go unpaid?
One sure way of doing so is to use financial leverage, typically by selling land or using land as collateral to borrow large sums of money from often-obliging state-owned banks, to
finance
massive infrastructure projects, as Bo did in Chongqing.
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