Finance
in sentence
3564 examples of Finance in a sentence
Advanced economies dominate MGI’s latest Connectedness Index, which ranks countries on both inflows and outflows of goods, services, finance, people, and data relative to their size and share in each type of global flow.
This means that unless America’s domestic savings rate rises mightily – which it shows no signs of doing – and unless investment expenditure remains abnormally low for the rest of this decade, the supply of loanable funds to
finance
investment will soon be much less than demand when the current-account deficit narrows to sustainable levels.
Better gender statistics could provide a more detailed understanding of women’s access to justice, education, and finance; improved measures of poverty and inequality could reveal how the benefits of economic growth are distributed; and natural capital accounting could uncover the value of resource endowments, thereby helping to ensure that they are used in a rational and sustainable manner.
Surprisingly, one enduring problem that provokes far less popular backlash is that
finance
continues to dominate the world economy, generating substantial instability and mounting risks like those that led to the 2008 global financial crisis.
Economic growth became dependent on a steady flow of foreign capital to
finance
domestic consumption and flashy investments in housing, roads, bridges, and airports.
This requires a more supportive regulatory environment, technical assistance, as well as connections to suppliers, distributors, and
finance
providers.
I recall what an eye-opener my first meeting with France’s Socialist
finance
minister, Michel Sapin, was.
As I recount in my new book (and a recent commentary in Le Monde), Macron understood that what the Eurogroup of eurozone
finance
ministers and the Troika were doing to our government and, more importantly, to our people was detrimental to the interests of France and the European Union.
By 2015, according to this logic, politicians will have done nothing to raise taxes and very little to cut expenditure, so the US will still have a budget deficit of around $1 trillion, and will
finance
a substantial portion of it by selling government bonds to foreigners.
The Fed’s efforts in the past three years to stabilize banks and other parts of
finance
have no doubt been motivated in large part by this insight.
Chinese policymakers have been hoping to develop the renminbi’s role in international finance, in order to strengthen China’s geopolitical standing, since the 1990s.
Yet renminbi-denominated
finance
is nowhere near ready to compete with – let alone rival – dollar
finance.
In fact, the renminbi still trails other reserve currencies (the US dollar, the euro, the Japanese yen, and the British pound) in international
finance
by so much that a renminbi-led international monetary system by mid-century seems about as likely as a Blade Runner 2049-style dystopia.
One reason for the renminbi’s continued weakness in international
finance
is that, despite considerable progress since 2010, it remains a half-baked international currency.
Even China itself uses the renminbi in only about a quarter of its international trade, and its international
finance
remains dollar-denominated.
But the most compelling reason why one should not expect a renminbi-dominated international
finance
system to arise anytime soon is that China’s leaders have never shown any sustained commitment to developing the renminbi as a true alternative to the dollar.
Whether because of the intrinsic weakness of China’s international
finance
or an understanding that a truly international currency must be more market-driven than the government-controlled renminbi could be, not even China expects the age of renminbi diplomacy to arrive anytime soon.
It should be positioned at the center of international financial markets and provide an analytical platform, not only for central banks and
finance
ministries, but also for regulators, standard setters, and market participants.
It is entirely plausible that Thaksin did help
finance
the protest.
Consider Gary Gensler, a former co-head of
finance
at Goldman Sachs, whose appointment as Chair of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission Sanders tried (and failed) to block in 2009.
The economics of trade and
finance
that form the TPP’s foundations are rather simple, and have been known since the British political economist David Ricardo described them in the nineteenth century.
So far, China’s large reserve of patient capital has been used to
finance
its own domestic projects.
Since 2015, development
finance
has started to come less from traditional aid, and more from development-finance institutions, development banks, and sovereign wealth funds in emerging economies.
This year, the US will borrow roughly $800 billion to
finance
its trade deficit.
Alternatively, helicopter money could be used to
finance
infrastructure spending.
There is indeed the obvious danger that governments might easily become addicted to monetary
finance
to pay for private and public spending, which is why it is unlikely to be tried openly unless economic conditions worsen significantly.
To the protesters, these seemed to be policies imposed by an out-of-touch metropolitan elite, many of whose members had recently received a large cut in wealth taxes, which was introduced following business leaders’ successful lobbying of the
finance
minister at a conference held alongside the Aix-en-Provence Opera Festival.
Points could also be used to help
finance
volunteerism or care for elderly family members.
Kofi Annan and the Africa Progress Panel have called for the creation of a “global connectivity fund” to help
finance
the risk guarantees, credit, and other market arrangements needed to support innovative business models delivering energy to the poor.
Poland’s first post-communist
finance
minister, Leszek Balcerowicz, showed an amazed world how communism could be abolished and a market economy built almost instantly.
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