Favor
in sentence
1973 examples of Favor in a sentence
“People will always
favor
their own families and communities,” Goodhart argues, and “it is the task of a realistic liberalism to strive for a definition of community that is wide enough to include people from many different backgrounds, without being so wide as to become meaningless.”
He is convinced that establishing a Palestinian state would serve the interest of all parties, and that the odds
favor
the Palestinians in international political struggle.
Collectively, they voted against Musharraf and religious extremists, and in
favor
of democracy, the rule of law, and good governance.
In the words of David Brooks of The New York Times: “After decades of affluence, the US has drifted away from the hardheaded practical mentality that built the nation’s wealth in the first place….America’s brightest minds have been abandoning industry and technical enterprise in
favor
of more prestigious but less productive fields like law, finance, consulting, and nonprofit activism.”
In fact, actual evidence of any such British bias in
favor
of foreign over domestic investment is weak.
The European Commission has charged Google with abusing its near-monopoly over Internet search in the EU to
favor
its own shopping services.
And, as for protecting the financial system against disaster, the current majority on the House Financial Services Committee is clear – they
favor
use of the bankruptcy system when megabanks get into serious trouble.
Back then, the demise of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates had left central bankers exposed to political pressure in
favor
of more expansionary policies and even monetary financing of fiscal deficits.
The president had not made a political decision; he had bestowed a personal
favor.
And I would have argued against cutting security ties and in
favor
of linking US support to specific Pakistani actions.
They worry that the dynamic in Sino-African relations would always
favor
China.
The Chinese began toying with the idea of abandoning their “peaceful rise” in
favor
of what then-President Hu Jintao defined at a July 2009 conference of Chinese diplomats as “the democratization of international relations” and “global multipolarity.”
While some of the plethora of anniversaries that China’s leaders must confront are potentially very destabilizing, several have, and will, work in their
favor.
Two major factors are currently working in the dollar’s favor, particularly compared to the euro and the yen.
PhD economists, like those who dominate the Fed’s staff and leadership, tend to
favor
their own kind and doubt others’ qualifications for top monetary-policy jobs.
If that coincidence endures for some period of time, and if the holders of that belief meet, discuss, organize, and agitate in
favor
of that belief, a group identity develops.
These people
favor
government intervention, because they believe that, left to their own devices, markets will not ensure fairness, and may even generate more inequality.
Democratic presidents
favor
the supposed Keynesian “stimulus” of tax cuts, while Republicans champion their alleged “supply-side” effects.
That way, the US will always have the upper hand, enabling it to change the rules in its
favor.
Beyond the moral imperative, there is a strong financial argument in
favor
of the transition to a circular economy – namely, the promise of over $1 trillion in business opportunities.
The balance of terror of the Soviet era has given way to unilateral energy dependency in
favor
of Russia.
Energy wealth gives them a sense of unique opportunity, the conviction that time is playing in their favor, and that they can now redress the humiliations they have suffered from the outside world.
The second reason why China’s political leaders might
favor
a stronger renminbi is to reduce China’s own domestic inflation rate.
European citizens have no clear perception of the Union’s total cost and are only interested in preserving transfers in their
favor
indefinitely.
He delivered a speech in
favor
of what he called the “illiberal state,” offering five examples of successful “systems that are not Western, not liberal, not liberal democracies, and perhaps not even democracies.”
Both candidates
favor
more infrastructure spending, more military spending, loosening limits on civilian spending, and corporate-tax reform.
It opposes necessary structural reforms in order to defend its clients’ rent-seeking practices; rejects citizen candidacies in
favor
of unaccountable party elites; recoils from union modernization, owing to the corporatist practices that it implemented; and refuses to dismantle the monopolies that it established.
Instead, most IMF shareholders seem to
favor
making the organization’s financing easier.
His ministers attacked the defendants and pilloried the lone judge who issued a pre-trial ruling in their
favor.
Klaus, Zeman and their parties also agreed to work together to limit presidential power and the independence of the Central Bank by changing the Constitution, as well as to change the electoral law in their
favor.
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