Export
in sentence
1581 examples of Export in a sentence
He cut fuel and power subsidies and some unnecessary expenditures, but also decided – quite reasonably – to reduce
export
taxes in order to spur growth.
But now that growth in emerging markets has slowed, their
export
markets are weakening.
Yes, the country will find it more difficult to pursue the “Belt and Road Initiative,” for example, or to
export
its excess capacity.
In the 1980s, when President Ronald Reagan imposed restrictions on the number of cars Japan could
export
to the US, Japan suffered.
But, over time, it developed its auto industry so that it could
export
more expensive cars.
Countries that specialize in the
export
of oil, copper, iron ore, wheat, coffee, or other commodities have been booming, but they are highly vulnerable.
If their
export
revenues were to plunge relative to their debt-service obligations, the result could be crises reminiscent of Latin America’s in 1982 or the Asian and Russian currency crises of 1997-1998.
Once foreign investment and higher commodity
export
prices are excluded from the growth calculations, Latin America’s recent economic performance barely exceeds its unexceptional historical average.
Many emerging-market policymakers view accumulation of foreign-exchange reserves during the 2000’s as having insured their countries against exchange-rate volatility and loss of
export
competitiveness.
After all, blocked
export
opportunities, weak government institutions, and high levels of corruption are worldwide problems.
With limited, if any, hard-currency (US dollar or gold) reserves on hand, and little prospect for acquiring dollars through
export
earnings, European economies attempted to shrink their current-account deficits by compressing imports from other (mostly) European countries.
If they could
export
them, they would be as rich as Germans.
A second “must” for a successful twenty-first-century
export
strategy is a focus on services, which have been largely ignored in the government’s negotiations with the EU.
For a country to
export
the services of lawyers, doctors, engineers, insurers, accountants, and teachers, other countries must recognize and trust its professional qualifications and broader regulatory regime.
Though there are
export
markets for services beyond the EU, past global efforts to open them up have generally failed.
That structural shift, in combination with the renminbi’s strengthening effective real exchange rate relative to the dollar, owing to inflation and rapidly rising wages in
export
sectors, offers hope that China’s surplus will fall.
In the longer run, that gap needs to be filled by higher foreign demand and increased
export
potential.
But the effectiveness of a fixed exchange rate is determined by how developments in the
export
sector influence domestic industries and the national economy as a whole.
Equally important, unlike other East Asian economies during their early take-off stages, the expansion of China’s
export
sector in the last decade has not been closely linked to the development of its domestic non-trade sector, because the expansion has been fueled mainly by foreign direct investment (FDI).
In short, the isolation of the
export
sector from the rest of China’s economy, caused by the dominance of FDI, accounts for the illusion of an undervalued renminbi.
Start with the continued
export
of Sunni radicalism from the Arabian Peninsula, a complex issue that involves Saudi Arabia and other Gulf States.
The underlying idea is simple: every year, countries around the world set aside reserves as insurance against contingencies such as an abrupt downturn in foreign lenders' sentiment or a collapse of
export
prices.
A developed Africa can open up new
export
markets for the West’s saturated and stagnant economies, and help to revive global growth.
At a rate of $1 million per megawatt, Europe could line up an
export
market worth $100 billion annually, while creating thousands of jobs in Europe and Nigeria.
Only one fact really mattered: powerful
export
performance, with both countries maintaining large trade surpluses over several years and through different stages of the economic cycle.
The buildup of assets associated with external surpluses, together with continuing
export
strength, looked like a guarantee of their currencies.
Both Japan and Germany were slow in liberalizing their domestic financial systems as they tried to limit capital inflows for a substantial period of time in order to avoid rapid currency appreciation and the consequent erosion of their
export
competitiveness.
The currency depreciation, it was assumed, would address external imbalances, by encouraging, with the help of lower
export
taxes, increased production of tradable goods.
But Iran is unlikely to be able to take advantage of the rial’s low value to restructure its economy, or to increase exports in the short run, given that oil remains the country’s most important export, and current sanctions severely limit the quantities in which it can be sold.
Moreover, although fiscal and monetary stimulus in China can compensate in the short term for weaker
export
demand, this will not be enough to sustain demand growth without economic “normalization” in the developed countries.
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