Expansion
in sentence
1789 examples of Expansion in a sentence
But this time, credit
expansion
is not flowing into housing construction, but rather into commodity speculation and foreign currency.
If it pushes too hard on continued monetary expansion, it won’t prevent a bust but instead could create stagflation – inflation and economic contraction.
Consequently, global economic
expansion
will slow, as no other major country is set to take over as the main engine of growth.
However, it has also limited the
expansion
of domestic demand and import growth, exacerbating rather than redressing the global imbalances.
Under these conditions, monetary contraction (or slowing expansion) would have a recessionary (or a less stimulative) impact on other economies.
With flexible exchange rates, however, monetary-policy contraction in a major economy would stimulate other economies in the short run, while monetary
expansion
would damage their performance.
(To be sure, in the medium or long run, monetary
expansion
can facilitate increased domestic production and trade, thereby generating positive spillover effects.)
After the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008, the rapid
expansion
of the money supply in the US and the UK triggered a sharp appreciation of the Japanese yen, as well as of some emerging-market currencies.
In fact, the Fed – and other advanced-country central banks – should not be blamed for the negative effects of monetary expansion, either.
Similarly, emerging-market officials warned that monetary
expansion
in the US and the UK would trigger a wave of competitive currency devaluations, with Brazilian Finance Minister Guido Mantega going so far as to accuse the Fed and the Bank of England of waging a full-blown “currency war.”
The goal was to lay the groundwork for global
expansion
in an industry that competes aggressively for Internet-savvy talent.
The conflict between democracy and globalization becomes acute when globalization restricts the domestic articulation of policy preferences without a compensating
expansion
of democratic space at the regional/global level.
This approach has been remarkably successful in promoting trade expansion, but it has little economic justification.
More focus on innovation and creativity will be accompanied by strong real wage growth, provision of greater rights for urban migrants, and
expansion
of health care and pensions.
EU expansion, however, will increase trade and economic growth, and these could provide real incentives to make Kaliningrad a more attractive neighbor and trading partner, not just a feared source of illegal Russian immigrants to the EU taking advantage of a supposedly lax visa regime.
Instability in the Middle East will continue to limit oil supplies, discouraging the
expansion
of production.
In the US, this sentiment has fueled the Tea Party, which coalesces around opposition to government
expansion
(and to elites more generally), even if that
expansion
is aimed at regulating big banks (presumably because government regulations tend to be shaped by the powerful among the regulated).
In the past, trade
expansion
has been the world’s main growth engine.
The world has witnessed an explosive
expansion
of private international capital markets.
America enjoys its longest continuous economic
expansion
in history, now more than nine years old.
Second, Clinton policies fostered development and
expansion
of the internet as a core strategy of economic growth.
Third, Clinton pushed
expansion
of various programs to support higher education.
Clearly, industrialization and export
expansion
alone cannot absorb China’s massive labor force.
After all, corporate borrowers do not borrow at the “risk-free” yield of, say, US Treasury bonds, and evidence shows that monetary
expansion
can push down the interest rate on government debt, but have hardly any effect on new bank lending to firms or households.
Stephen Roach has suggested that in the post-crisis global economy “relapse is the rule”; economist Brad DeLong, speaking of the “consequences of our lesser depression,” argues that the pretense of a eurozone recovery has collapsed; and European Central Bank President Mario Draghi has acknowledged the need not only for structural reform, but also fiscal
expansion
to boost aggregate demand.
The economic
expansion
of the last two centuries has been based on an explosion of knowledge about what can be made, and how.
And Germany is slowly acquiescing to a prudent relative
expansion
in domestic demand.
Its remorseless
expansion
is contributing to climate change, deforestation, biodiversity loss, and human-rights violations – all to satisfy Western societies’ unhealthy appetite for cheap meat.
Nor is there evidence that inflation, should it increase slightly, cannot be reversed at a relatively minor cost – comparable to the benefits of additional employment and growth enjoyed in the excessive
expansion
of the economy that led to the increase in inflation.
Adjustment by all northern European countries would have double the impact of any
expansion
of demand by Germany alone, owing to the high degree of integration among the “Teutonic” countries.
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