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Executive in sentence

908 examples of Executive in a sentence

While all ministries have their external constituencies, some ministries have more of a front-end, “account executive” nature: their core mission involves coordinating the provision of public goods to different parts of the economy.
The place to start is America’s executive suites, which should be cleared of mercenaries in order to encourage real leadership.
Impeachment, set out in Article 2 of the Constitution, is a procedure for the removal from office of a president, vice president, or other top executive official (or judge) suspected of “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.”
Putting an Australian mining executive behind bars for ten years, squeezing out Google, keeping the European Union at bay for an important dialogue, and letting a mid-level official wag his finger at US President Barack Obama at the Copenhagen Climate summit is not, after all, the best way to convince partners of your constructive intentions.
Despite its many successes since 1990, and the high popularity of the current president (Socialist Michelle Bachelet, Chile’s first female chief executive), time is taking a toll.
Although he distances himself from formal policy-making within the executive branch, Ozawa in fact masterminds the entire legislative process, including the budget and appropriations.
Otherwise, they will have no major accomplishment to show for an entire year during which they have controlled the legislative and executive branches of government.
Following three decades of violent conflict between the province’s Irish nationalist and Protestant groups, resulting in over 3,600 deaths, the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 established a Unionist-Nationalist power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland, along with a British-Irish Council as a nod to harmonious relations with the Irish Republic.
The most persuasive hypothesis is that – like former FBI Director James Comey and Dean Baquet, the executive editor of The New York Times – they ignored polling that did not underestimate the risk of a Trump victory.
I have lost track of the number of US states that are suing the Obama administration over executive orders viewed as excessively “gay-friendly.”
This March, amid the latest financial twists and turns, a significant achievement in this regard went largely unnoticed: an agreement by the executive board of the International Monetary Fund on a new quota formula and increases in quotas for under-represented members, particularly emerging-market and developing countries.
Speaking as someone who has witnessed this process as an insider (as a former member of the IMF’s executive board) and an outsider (in my current capacity as Mexico’s finance minister), I see three main points that merit attention.
It turns out that there is no such thing as executive stress, and heart disease is far more common – and deadlier – in people further down the socioeconomic ladder.
But, like executive stress, this phenomenon was a phantom.
The most obvious risk is that the elections are not concluded or that Yushchenko is denied executive power.
No doubt they want to dominate the new cabinet, and with their impressive executive and intellectual skills they are dispersed over all parties.
The meeting of G-20 finance ministers and central bankers in the South Korean city of Kyeongju on October 22 produced some noteworthy achievements, such as shifting 6% of the IMF’s voting quota from overrepresented Europe to underrepresented emerging countries, doubling members’ quotas, and reducing Europe’s representation on the Fund’s executive board by two seats.
Donald Trump is teaching a master class on how not to serve as America’s chief executive.
What’s more, he is reportedly already considering mainstream Republicans for his cabinet, including former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, Tennessee Senator Bob Corker, Alabama Senator Jeff Sessions, and former Goldman Sachs executive Steven Mnuchin (who also advised his campaign).
The executive branch adheres to a decision-making process whereby relevant departments and agencies determine the risks and rewards of given scenarios, and then furnish the president with a limited menu of policy options from which to choose.
Article 20a of Germany’s Grundgesetz (Basic Law) stipulates that, “Mindful also of its responsibility toward future generations, the state shall protect the natural foundations of life and animals by legislation and, in accordance with law and justice, by executive and judicial action…”By demonstrating that younger living citizens suffer more than their older counterparts from short-sighted fiscal and environmental policies, Juliana could be the first step toward recognizing a similar responsibility in the US.
But President George W. Bush’s war on terror undermined the basic principles of American democracy by expanding executive powers.
The opposition, despite holding a majority in the National Assembly, knows that it must negotiate with the executive branch, which is still led by Maduro.
Former US President Barack Obama invoked sole executive authority to sign the Paris agreement (as he did with the Iran nuclear agreement as well).
This radical expansion of executive power probably would not have withstood a legal challenge.
Indeed, one key lesson of the financial crisis is that an overhaul of executive compensation must be high on the policy agenda.
As far as equity-based compensation is concerned, executives should not be allowed to cash out options and shares given to them for a period of, say, five years after the time of “vesting” – that is, the point at which the options and shares have been “earned“ and may not be taken away from the executive.
He preferred to concentrate on constitutional reforms that were largely interpreted as a bid to strip the new president, Stjepan Mesic (himself a longtime opponent of Tudjman) of the robust executive powers Tudjman wrote into the constitution for himself.
According to the Constitution, the prime minister is head of the executive branch, and the government is empowered to determine the main direction of domestic and foreign policy.
While not entirely addressing the flaws in the design, the new situation – with the strongest political figure heading the executive branch – will permit more effective performance by the government, which is still battling to recover from Putin’s administrative reforms of 2004.
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