Eurobonds
in sentence
237 examples of Eurobonds in a sentence
To exit this policy, the ECB wants the EU’s Luxembourg rescue facility, EFSF or ESM to take over, and some countries even call for the issuance of
eurobonds.
This defect could have been corrected by replacing individual countries’ bonds with
Eurobonds.
Stronger countries in the eurozone must allow these spreads to narrow by guaranteeing the new debts of countries from Greece to Italy, through the issuance of Eurobonds, for example.
Now he says that Germany should exit the euro if it continues to block the introduction of
Eurobonds.
If Soros were right, and Germany had to choose between
Eurobonds
and the euro, many Germans would surely prefer to leave the euro.
Eurobonds, however, would impede precisely this outcome, because relative prices in the north can be raised only when northern savers invest their capital at home instead of seeing it publicly escorted to the south by taxpayer-financed credit guarantees.
Ultimately, that means guaranteeing the eurozone’s survival with Germany’s economic might and assets: unlimited acquisition of the crisis countries’ government bonds by the European Central Bank, Europeanization of national debts via Eurobonds, and growth programs to avoid a eurozone depression and boost recovery.
The P-6’s goals would include measures to reduce their debt burden and increase domestic demand, probably through targeted stimulus in Germany, the formation of a banking union with a robust resolution mechanism, and the introduction of
Eurobonds.
New Power, New Responsibility calls for “deepening” the European Union through measures that would include democratizing EU financial decision-making by directly engaging national parliamentarians and exchanging tighter European fiscal constraints on member governments’ budgets for a European banking union, a eurozone budget, and
Eurobonds.
Though EU countries will not contribute any actual funds, they will provide implicit and explicit guarantees for the private investors, in an arrangement that looks suspiciously like the joint liability embodied by
Eurobonds.
Faced with German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s categorical rejection of Eurobonds, the EU engaged a horde of financial specialists to find a creative way to circumvent it.
Surprisingly,
Eurobonds
issued by a Germany-less eurozone would still compare favorably with those of the US, UK, and Japanese bonds.
I was arguing that the current state of integration within the eurozone is inadequate: the euro will work only if the bulk of the national debts are financed by
Eurobonds
and the banking system is regulated by institutions that create a level playing field within the eurozone.
Allowing the bulk of outstanding national debts to be converted into
Eurobonds
would work wonders.
If Germany and other creditor countries are unwilling to accept the contingent liabilities that
Eurobonds
entail, as they are today, they should step aside, leave the euro by amicable agreement, and allow the rest of the eurozone to issue
Eurobonds.
The liabilities that it would incur by agreeing to
Eurobonds
are contingent on a default – the probability of which would be eliminated by the introduction of
Eurobonds.
Whether Germany agrees to
Eurobonds
or leaves the euro, either choice would be infinitely preferable to the current state of affairs.
Sinn sidesteps this argument by claiming that there is no legal basis for compelling Germany to choose between agreeing to
Eurobonds
or leaving the euro.
Moreover, the German Supreme Court has indicated that Germany will require a referendum before
Eurobonds
can be introduced.
And even if a referendum on
Eurobonds
were held, it it would never find a majority, unless it is coupled with the foundation of a common European state, which is strongly objected to by France.
Angela Merkel, who will in all likelihood be re-elected in September, has said that
Eurobonds
will not come in her lifetime.
By suggesting that Germany choose between
Eurobonds
or leaving the euro, he effectively advocates the euro's destruction.
That said, Soros’s suggestion that a sub-group of euro countries could issue joint
Eurobonds
if they wished to do so is good.
Eurobonds
are a way of perpetuating this mispricing, keeping the markets from correcting their mistakes.
Eurobonds
would imply lingering soft budget constraints and huge political moral hazard effects that would destroy the European model.
Soros says countries that fail to implement the necessary reforms after the introduction of
Eurobonds
would become permanent pockets of poverty and dependency, much like Italy’s Mezzogiorno region today.
But if we try to escort the northern savings via
Eurobonds
to the south, exactly the opposite will happen.
As Sinn says, Germany will not accept
Eurobonds.
The German Supreme Court has indicated that Germany will require a referendum before
Eurobonds
can be introduced, and it is currently considering whether the European Central Bank has exceeded its powers.
Unlike most central banks, the ECB cannot act as a lender of last resort, which, in conjunction with the absence of common bonds (Eurobonds), induced large-scale speculation on intra-European national debts.
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