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Enlargement in sentence

542 examples of Enlargement in a sentence

EU enlargement brought greater prosperity, with living standards improving throughout the Union, particularly in the new member states.
West Europeans did not seem concerned that early enlargement eastward might speed the consolidation of the region's democratic revolutions.
Reduced to a highly technical and bureaucratic process, enlargement became almost totally devoid of any moral and political ethos.
Meanwhile, the security dimension of EU membership diminished in importance when the US opted for rapid NATO enlargement.
Here, indeed, the EU missed a big opportunity to tie enlargement to a daring internal reform that would transform it into a superpower.
Instead, enlargement was turned into a dull exercise, in which the ultimate benefits of EU membership became blurred in the minds of ordinary people by the complex process of adopting the acquis communautaire (the body of EU law).
Given their experiences with the drawn-out enlargement process, most candidate countries are leery about the motives of some large EU countries.
This reflects concerns about Turkey’s Muslim culture and its large population, as well as concern that any further enlargement will overly dilute the European project.
The ratification of the Lisbon Treaty allows for an element of visionary realism in European politics, as there are no longer any institutional obstacles to the future enlargement of the EU.
In Europe, Germany is obviously the indispensable nation, yet it lacks not only a clear mandate to lead, but also a clear sense of what the European Union should look like after the great projects of peace, the common market, and enlargement are more or less completed.
Enlargement of the EU is not only an economic duty to be borne by the richest nations; it is also the recognition of a common history and a shared culture.
But individual commissioners are far less important than the trends that have caused the Commission to shift its priorities from enlargement and the internal market toward energy and monetary union.
In downgrading EU enlargement as a formal policy priority, the Commission is preparing itself to take other important steps.
Enlargement now seems likely to be a contentious issue in the German parliamentary elections, and perhaps also the French presidential election, both due in 2002.
Making the case for enlargement is a challenge to democratic leadership in the whole of Europe.
But enlargement is not such an issue.
Populists dramatise the short-term costs of enlargement, while ignoring the long-term benefits.
To the west, people fear immigration, job losses, and having to pay for enlargement - either directly, in increased contributions to the EU budget, or indirectly, through subsidies that go, for example, to Polish Galicia rather than to Spanish Galicia.
Ironically, the fear of ‘instability’ to Germany’s east - which nourished German support for EU enlargement - has been reduced by Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary joining NATO.
Meanwhile, east central European markets are so open for west European exporters and investors that the western businessman can selfishly say ‘why do I need enlargement?’
One of the difficulties of making the case for enlargement is that to sell it in Germany or Austria requires the assurance of closed, watertight eastern borders, while to sell it in Poland, Hungary or the Czech Republic needs the promise of soft, open ones.
First and foremost, the EU must, at the latest during the Swedish presidency in the first half of 2001, set a definite timetable for the first round of enlargement.
Inspired by the recollection of EMU’s two target dates, we suggest that EU leaders should say: ‘The first round of enlargement will happen, if all the conditions can be met in time, on 1 January 2003.
The introduction of Euro coins and notes, as well as the looming enlargement of the EU eastward, should provide the needed stimulus, and add to the economic dynamics of the EU.
So, as enlargement approaches, the EU faces a cross roads.
Following this approach, the EU's Structural and Regional Funds must be changed before Eastward enlargement takes place because, after it does, the new East European members will be able to forge a blocking minority.
(Even in Russia, the issue of Nato enlargement has failed to excite widespread public outcry, despite the focus on it by the new Kremlin elite.)
What they must do before it is too late is to say to all concerned that these are not closed clubs, then formulate a clear program of enlargement that contains a timetable, and explains the logic of that timetable.
In fact, we may be looking at an even more general European phenomenon, which is a reflection of the rising challenges of European integration: the single currency, and enlargement into Eastern Europe.
Opinion polls consistently show that British voters are unenthusiastic about the EU, and the picture is confirmed by the latest Eurobarometer poll, conducted throughout the Union for the Commission - but before the recent enlargement from 15 to 25 member states.
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