Electoral
in sentence
1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence
By participating actively in politics, basing their
electoral
choices on rational self-interest, and developing the sense of moderation needed to resist dictatorship, the middle class promotes democratic progress.
More unusual is that Kenyatta and Ruto were
electoral
rivals at the time, joining forces only last year.
Unfortunately, we have a recent precedent for this type of behavior: Kenya’s rulers, too, ignored and twisted the rule of law and the integrity of the
electoral
process, relying on violence to secure a political outcome that their fellow citizens denied them.
The manner in which the
electoral
process in Zimbabwe has been conducted since March has been an unconstitutional continuation of government.
But instead of seeking to encourage these civic (and economic) virtues, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) use threats of communal violence to boost its
electoral
ends.
The opportunity for personal gains through public office has made
electoral
politics an automatic career choice for Indian politicians’ progeny.
This opposition is not coming only from politicians who are calculating that opposition to whatever is proposed may yield
electoral
benefits; indeed, it does not even reflect any coherent right-wing or indeed left-wing political position.
The irony is that rising inequality is usually thought to play to the Democrats’
electoral
advantage.
So far, this “Republican Front” strategy of exclusion has succeeded in keeping the far right out of any significant political office for four decades, but it has never reduced the size of its
electoral
base.
But Vladimir Putin, who had received an overwhelming
electoral
mandate to return to the presidency for a third term, was not listening; instead, he intensified repression.
This elderly cohort holds what the economists Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson call de jure political power, that is, decision-making power allocated by constitutions or
electoral
systems.
High levels of disenfranchisement in Florida likely played a critical role in the much-disputed
electoral
victory of President Bush.
It suffices to see how often over the past few years social dissatisfaction has spilled out into strikes and how little it has affected
electoral
results and governing structures; how little the most active and educated part of society cares about elections.
Technically the
electoral
system is not faulty at all; it has all the characteristics of a democratic election system, with some peculiarities though, such as elections that contain both first-past-the post
electoral
districts and those based on party lists.
Those who want to prevent Turkey from falling into the trap of
electoral
authoritarianism must now form a new political space and furnish leadership alternatives.
In Tunisia,
electoral
contests between the Islamist Ennahda Party and the secular Nidaa Tounes Party have allowed for a productive debate about the role of religion in politics and society; in Egypt, by contrast, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi’s autocratic government has violently repressed the Muslim Brotherhood.
He is eager to seem strong and confrontational in the eyes of his
electoral
base.
In Italy, Prime Minister Berlusconi waited three and a half years before deciding to deliver on his main
electoral
promise of a tax cut.
For a long time, Merkel fought this new EU tooth and nail, because she knows how unpopular it is in Germany – and thus how politically dangerous it is to her
electoral
prospects.
Finally, it follows that in the future, Merkel and Sarkozy, in particular, will have to struggle a lot more than before for
electoral
majorities.
It was Russia’s attempt, only two and a half years ago, to install Yanukovych as President via rampant
electoral
fraud that touched off the “Orange Revolution.”
But any assessment of European economic governance must acknowledge the slow, contradictory nature of intergovernmental decision-making, in which a misconceived notion of national interest, together with upsurges in popular anti-EU sentiment and
electoral
pressure, has led to a stop-and-go process, punctuated by financial-market swoons.
In order to solidify their
electoral
base, leaders in these countries appeal heavily to national, cultural, and religious symbols.
But in fact, it was the late President Chiang Ching-kuo, the son of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, who instituted the unprecedented democratic reforms that paved the way for the eventual
electoral
triumph of Chen’s formerly banned DPP.
While the center-left coalition, led by Pier Luigi Bersani, won a comfortable majority in the lower house – thanks to the bonus that Italian
electoral
law grants to the largest coalition – it gained too few seats in the senate to govern effectively.
For EU politicians, however, the long term will be reached only after a series of short-term
electoral
challenges, so pro-reform governments may well not survive to reap the benefits.
The German Constitutional Court recently relied on this fact in a controversial decision striking down the 3%
electoral
threshold for parties to gain European Parliament seats in Germany (the small far-right National Democratic Party picked up one seat in the European Parliament as a result).
We can best grasp this problem by asking why many members of the Republican Party who have voted in the House of Representatives to force the government to shut down are not worried that their tactics – which will undoubtedly harm many of their constituents – will fuel an
electoral
backlash.
The gerrymandering of US
electoral
districts means more than that the House of Representatives is not representative of the population as a whole; it also means that many incumbents are in no danger of losing their seat in an election.
One could imagine cool heads in both parties cutting a deal based on an understanding that it is in America’s interest to establish an impartial commission to draw fair boundaries for all House
electoral
districts.
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