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Electoral in sentence

1238 examples of Electoral in a sentence

Thaksin's electoral victory in January 2001 was something new here.
Most remarkably, he implemented (or tried to implement) his entire electoral platform.
These attacks are worsening and expose the limits of Thaksin's electoral revolution, for although the prime minister's party appealed for a popular vote, it lacks a mass membership base.
Because of this lack of grassroots political organization, the TRT is incapable of linking its electoral support with the day-to-day work of government.
Some were blooded in politics during the students revolts of the 1970s who later backed a movement that, over two decades, gradually penned the Thai military back into its barracks and entrenched electoral democracy.
To date, neither the IFE nor any major international monitor, has alleged widespread electoral fraud.
For Putin, the timing of the move – which came immediately after Trump warmly congratulated him on his electoral victory – must have made it all the more galling.
Moreover, Putin himself is in the business of sterilizing Russia’s democratic processes by handpicking his successor and having his courts and electoral commissions block his opponents from political participation, often tarring them as traitors.
His electoral platform will remain the most promising in the immediate future, particularly since United Russia lacks the courage and flexibility to embrace contemporary Russian conservatism.
It can be dangerous to start one's electoral campaign before other candidates, but sometimes, if one starts much earlier than everyone else, serious rivals never appear.
Nonetheless, establishing commitments for governments that extend beyond electoral cycles can imbue legislative agendas with a longer-term perspective, as they reduce partisan policy turnover.
Of course, longer electoral terms are risky, as they could enable incompetent and otherwise problematic leaders to remain in power for longer.
As the example of Greece has shown, they will do only what short-sighted electoral politics demands.
Fortunately for Ukraine, its business is private, and a common view of the whole business community is that the electoral rerun must be conclusive.
Recent electoral outcomes, including Trump’s election, highlight the intensifying economic grievances of many households across the developed world.
None of this is good for the economy on which Turkey’s middle class – and, in turn, the AKP’s electoral success – depends.
But Thaksin, a self-made billionaire, allowed his greed and huge electoral successes to get the better of him.
In July, Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) won control of both houses of parliament – a resounding electoral victory that amounts to the strongest political mandate any Japanese leader has received in many years.
They point to Abe’s ability to overcome resistance from small rice farmers, part of the LDP’s electoral base, to Japan’s participation in negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which would open Japan’s economy to increased global competition.
This failure is rooted in electoral politics’ confinement to individual countries, which forces politicians to pretend that they can address economic issues with national policies alone.
Indeed, politicians face no electoral pressure to pursue broader action, even if it would bring domestic benefits.
Apart from electoral reform, outlets for political participation and expression of public grievances must be balanced by institutions and procedures that are partly insulated from the rough-and-tumble of politics.
Thus, corporations, as associations of individuals, have the right to spend as much as they want to disseminate their views, including in support of electoral campaigns.
Shinawatra’s overthrow by the military was clearly a bid by the country’s generals to end by force the electoral lock that she and her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra – himself a former prime minister who was deposed by a military coup in 2006 – have had on Thailand for almost 15 years.
And social protest has found fertile ground everywhere: a sense that the “system” has failed, and the conviction that even in a democracy, the electoral process will not set things right – at least not without strong pressure from the street.
They are an expression of frustration with the electoral process.
Governments should develop a post-2015 set of universally applicable Sustainable Development Goals that can galvanize long-term action beyond electoral cycles.
But, with the decline of secular nationalism and Islamism’s rise, the hidden electoral power of the Muslim Brotherhood poses a mortal threat to the regime and its strategic alliance with the West.
This disturbing trajectory, argue the mavens of globalization, reflects the resurgent protectionism manifest in popular opposition to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), and now in Trump’s electoral victory.
Clear electoral rules and procedures can help ensure transparency, but accountability also comes from the broad society in between elections.
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