Eighteenth
in sentence
119 examples of Eighteenth in a sentence
Since the late
eighteenth
century, there have been seven or eight booms in non-oil commodity prices, relative to the price of manufactured goods.
Nevertheless, the simplistic economics of the
eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, when neoclassical theories arose, are wholly unsuited to twenty-first-century economies.
Christ’s message of fraternity, coupled with the anti-slavery movement that began at the end of the
eighteenth
century, eventually led to the abolition of legal human bondage around the world.
Two of the most deep-seated features of American political culture – with roots extending back to the
eighteenth
century – are suspicion of powerful government and distrust of concentrated financial power.
Not surprisingly, it became the world’s richest country during the seventeenth and
eighteenth
centuries.
But it is more accurate to think of mercantilism as a different way to organize the relationship between the state and the economy – a vision that holds no less relevance today than it did in the
eighteenth
century.
For example, after Britain lost its American colonies at the end of the
eighteenth
century, Horace Walpole lamented Britain’s reduction to “as insignificant a country as Denmark or Sardinia.”
Indeed, the modern economy may resemble that of the
eighteenth
century, when the land owned by the Duke of Westminster and the Earl of Cadogan was still just fields to the west of London, more than the middle-class societies in which most developed countries’ citizens’ grew up.
(The black swan is an Australian species that had been identified by ornithologists in the
eighteenth
century.)
Europe accounted for 20% of the world’s population at the beginning of the
eighteenth
century; the population of the West as a whole will constitute slightly more than 10% in 2050.
As many economic historians argue, the trade networks and profits that mercantilism provided for Britain may have been critical in launching the country’s industrial revolution around the middle of the
eighteenth
century.
Human life expectancy barely changed before the late
eighteenth
century.
While America’s oldest universities date to the seventeenth and
eighteenth
centuries, the American system of higher education took shape in the early nineteenth century, under conditions in which the market was strong, the state was weak, and the church was divided.
What historians have known for 2,000 years – and what the
eighteenth
century’s classical economists also knew – suddenly struck the new breed of mathematical economists in the 1990’s like a flash of lightning: prosperity depends on good government.
It was only in the
eighteenth
century that greed became morally respectable.
In the
eighteenth
century, shipping technology improved enough to allow the creation of global supply chains.
(In the
eighteenth
century, who could have foreseen that the development of the steam engine would have an impact on earth’s climate?)
China, they believe, is regaining the status and prestige that it enjoyed until the end of the
eighteenth
century.
Beginning in the
eighteenth
century, the less-developed West European and East Asian countries followed their more successful neighbors: emulating a flying-geese pattern, they benefited from the leaders’ tailwind as they first industrialized and then became advanced countries themselves.
This anti-establishmentarian impulse is a time-honored tradition in America, where advocacy of separation of church and state – a radical view in the late
eighteenth
century – was driven by the experiences of religious minorities such as Quakers, Huguenots, and Puritans, all of whom suffered religious persecution in Britain and France.
Or maybe it was the industrial revolution of the
eighteenth
century in Britain – the steam engine, the forge, and the cotton mill – that set the train of progress in motion.
In the
eighteenth
century, the economies of Europe and the United States initiated the transition to an energy system based on fossil fuels without fully understanding what was happening.
In the
eighteenth
century, capital flight kept predatory rulers in check.
Both were unable to integrate modernity into their institutions, and both had fallen into decline after a brilliant historical period between the late fifteenth and early
eighteenth
centuries.
Rousseau’s fear that cities inspire inhabitants to pursue their own interests at the expense of others remains as relevant today as it was in the
eighteenth
century.
It also shaped the thinking of those in England who led the anti-slavery struggle of the second half of the
eighteenth
century, the first human rights movement.
List noted how Britain’s emergence as “the first industrial nation” at the end of the
eighteenth
century depended on prior state policies to promote British industry.
At the end of the
eighteenth
century, Jean-Jacques Rousseau was convinced that the absence of democracy in Europe constituted one of the main causes of war.
For millennia before the middle of the
eighteenth
century, standards of living stagnated.
Our era is probably much more religious than the
eighteenth
century ever was.
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