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Economists in sentence

2720 examples of Economists in a sentence

Some economists – citing indicators like investment ratios, industrial value-added, and employment – compare China to Japan in the early 1970’s.
According to the economists Barry Eichengreen, Donghyun Park, and Kwanho Shin, that share is about 60% of America’s per capita income (at 2005 international prices).
In 2007, the economists Dwight Perkins and Thomas Rawski estimated that, in order for China’s economy to maintain a 9% growth rate and a 25-35% investment ratio until 2025, it would need to maintain an annual TFP growth rate of 4.3-4.8%.
Now, in response, the European Central Bank (ECB) has stepped up its stimulus, joining the Bank of Japan and a couple of other central banks in showing that the “zero lower bound” – the inability of interest rates to become negative – is a boundary only in the imagination of conventional economists.
Project Syndicate’s commentators – some of the world’s preeminent economists and policymakers – have examined the issue from four broad angles.
But many economists who focus on risks to financial stability believe that the Fed should have tightened rates earlier and now needs to move faster than planned.
Meanwhile, economists who believe that further monetary loosening is required to pull the world out of stagnation must look elsewhere.
Economists are rightly trained to treat unemployment as a lagging indicator, but these data can also be useful in forecasting the near future.
Indeed, earlier this month, a group of Russian economists described the government’s predictions of a rebound next year as sorely “out of touch.”
First, there is the critique by economists who view governments as an impediment to the freer flow of goods, capital, and people around the world.
Europe’s Crisis Goes to CourtTILBURG – Throughout Europe and beyond, economists are debating potential solutions to the eurozone’s sovereign-debt crisis.
Recently, some economists and politicians have begun to take notice of the Karlsruhe factor, but most of them mistakenly expect the court to create rules for resolving the crisis.
Rather than waste time debating proposals that have no chance of being approved, economists and policymakers should be working within the parameters established by the German court.
For today's social engineers and economists, this is no longer the case.
Climate economists repeatedly have pointed out that such energy innovation is the most effective climate solution, because it is the surest way to drive the price of future green energy sources below that of fossil fuels.
In fact, most Chinese economists predicted last year that inflation would peak in early 2011.
The British Commonwealth recently posed this question to me and the Initiative for Policy Dialogue, an international network of economists committed to helping developing countries.
Even economists who find no evidence that capital-account liberalization boosts growth often feel obliged to stress that “further analysis” might at last reveal the benefits that free-market theory suggests must exist.
Much of the financial industry resists such measures, as do the many economists who remain wedded to the old orthodoxy.
The result is what economists call “Nash equilibria,” or a series of suboptimal and only quasi-cooperative outcomes.
Why, then, do Latin American economists seem to share a cautious – even pessimistic – mood about future growth and convergence in the region, whereas most Asian economists, while conceding that further structural reforms are needed, believe strongly that Asia will continue to converge rather rapidly?
But this recognition has yet to penetrate fully the approach to economic growth that most economists and policymakers take.
More fundamentally, the typical case for German fiscal stimulus reflects economists’ failure to appreciate the potentially dominant role of financial flows on the balance of payments.
Economists will no doubt point to current-account positions to explain what is happening.
Annan named a high-level panel of eminent persons to look into issues of peace and security, while a parallel group of economists, led by Jeffrey Sachs, studied what was needed to fulfill the development commitments made by world leaders at the Millennium Summit in 2000.
For economists, this is a fundamental question.
And when economists confront a fundamental question, fundamental disagreement often follows.
I was one of the rebel economists of the 1960s who rejected the macroeconomics we were taught in the 1950s – the “Keynesian” theory developed by J.R. Hicks, A.W. Phillips and James Tobin, according to which aggregate demand drove everything.
So far, economists – structuralists as well as diehard Keynesians – have been stumped.
But, even as politicians and economists run out of arguments in favor of the euro, few dare to challenge its fundamental structure, let alone propose alternatives.
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