Economies
in sentence
8198 examples of Economies in a sentence
As national
economies
and multinational companies compete for market share, global standards of market behavior become increasingly important.
Meanwhile, given that many emerging
economies
have incomplete or immature PRIs, their influence over market-price discovery is relatively weak.
Emerging
economies
have watched the leveraged power of investors distort the price-formation process in crisis-stricken advanced
economies.
Preventing this from occurring in emerging
economies
requires that these countries’ leaders balance monetary, fiscal, and macro-prudential policies in a way that enables correct pricing of risk-free assets.
Striking this balance is made even more complicated by the influence of advanced-country policies on emerging
economies.
Exceptionally low interest rates and quantitative easing may be appropriate for advanced
economies
experiencing slow growth, but they can be problematic for emerging
economies
struggling to promote market-oriented price-discovery mechanisms.
But what has transformed Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya over the last two years has not been efforts by the outside world to improve these societies or their economies, but grassroots social movements intent on changing their countries’ political systems.
Just as the US now has to share the world stage with other economies, the dollar will have to make room for other international currencies.
They would be compensated for inflation and currency depreciation in the US and Europe, since the payout would depend on these economies’ nominal, not real, GDP.
In geopolitical terms, ASEAN is well-placed to be an acceptable and equal partner to many larger, more powerful economies, such as China, India, Japan, Australia, and South Korea – a part of the world that, for the first time, is leading a global recovery.
More importantly, East Asia’s
economies
are expected to grow at an average annual rate of 5.1%, compared to 3.2% in the US.
Fear and Loathing in the First WorldWithin the last few years, people throughout the world's most advanced
economies
have become acutely worried about the economic prowess of China, India, and other emerging countries with large low-wage populations.
Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan depended on export-led growth to catch up with the developed
economies.
Before 2008, China’s massive surpluses were matched by unsustainable credit-fueled deficits in developed
economies.
When those countries’ per capita GDP stood at current Chinese levels, real estate played only a minor role in their economies; indeed, the sector was often deliberately starved of credit.
For almost a decade, annual productivity growth in the advanced
economies
has been close to 1%, versus 2% previously.
Part of the explanation is the slowdown of the emerging
economies.
But serious damage was done, especially in emerging
economies.
But how long China's two
economies
can continue to coexist is becoming a central question for policymakers.
Rich-country policymakers, in particular, should bear in mind this imperative, given their economies’ history of high emissions and greater access to technology.
In the more tech-oriented economies, like the US, the United Kingdom, and the Nordic countries, there is a risk that traditional macroeconomic models will overestimate the cost pressure from labor.
In the words of Klaus Schwab, the WEF’s founder, “Only those
economies
which have full access to all their talent will remain competitive and will prosper.
The New Silk Road land belt seeks to connect China with the
economies
of East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and Europe through an expanded grid of rail, highways, power, fiber, and other networks.
To make real progress toward reviving their economies, the individual countries need to depend less on quantitative easing by the ECB and focus squarely on structural reforms and fiscal stimulus.
With many of today’s advanced
economies
near or approaching the 90%-of-GDP level that loosely marks high-debt periods, expanding today’s already large deficits is a risky proposition, not the cost-free strategy that simplistic Keynesians advocate.
In fact, Germany – whose economic progress since the end of World War II has been driven by its consistent openness to international trade and economic integration, and which remains one of Europe’s most open and trade-dependent
economies
– would be among the main beneficiaries of the TTIP.
In fact, since its lost decade as the “sick man of Europe” in the 2000s, Germany has caught up with other advanced
economies
in only some areas.
The last thing many Europeans want is yet another set of supra-national rules, formulated behind closed doors, governing their
economies.
Poland is making its own direct contribution, above all by helping senior Burmese decision makers, opposition leaders, and business representatives to understand the “technology of transition” – that is, the sequencing of technical reforms, which has helped to make Poland one of Europe’s healthiest
economies
today.
Followed closely by a collapse in commodity prices, it dealt a devastating shock to the “transition economies.”
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