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Deregulation in sentence

358 examples of Deregulation in a sentence

Today’s global inequality crisis is the result of 30 years of unchecked deregulation, privatization, financial secrecy, and globalization.
Financial market deregulation in an un-named country sets off a credit boom and an explosion in equity and real estate prices.
But the Trump team claims this would be offset by a growth miracle spurred by deregulation.
In fact, their estimates of the benefits of deregulation are completely exaggerated.
At the same time, financial deregulation is exactly what led to the 2008 crisis – and to much lower growth, higher unemployment, and bigger deficits.
Under George W. Bush, US budget deficits and debt ballooned, and extreme financial deregulation created the conditions for the largest financial crisis since the 1930s, which further increased debt.
At the same time, financial deregulation would allow risks to build up throughout the banking system and more broadly.
To achieve majorities, the socially conservative protectionists had to unite with the remnants of the Thatcher-Reagan laissez faire movement, who resent the interventionist economic management of the post-2008 period and want to intensify the competition, deregulation, and globalization that social conservatives resent.
He then developed a dual program based on mass deregulation to liberate the economy and the defense of Catholic values, which explains his sympathy for Russian President Vladimir Putin, whom he sees as a defender of Christians in the Middle East.
A businessman himself – as he so often reminds us – Trump is eager to please companies with extensive deregulation.
By pursuing radical deregulation, the Trump administration is practically begging businesses to harm consumers, the environment, and, in the long run, themselves.
Far from seizing on deregulation to improve their own profit margins, at the expense of consumers and communities, companies should be working hard to boost transparency.
That is, after all, a pillar of Trump’s economic plan – an objective that he claims deregulation will go a long way toward achieving.
To be sure, deregulation may create some new jobs over the next decade or so.
If company leaders decide to take advantage of Trump’s deregulation spree, they must be made to feel the repercussions immediately and directly.
The impact of deregulation in the US will be felt worldwide, especially if the US-based multinational companies that take advantage of it are allowed to benefit from that choice.
Indeed, deregulation would require them to put their country’s long-term interests above their own short-term interests – a choice that they have so far resisted.
One hopes that it is an effort that proves adequate to overcome bureaucratic resistance to deregulation in the coming year.
The 2010 book Better Living through Economics, edited by John Siegfried, emphasizes the real-world impact of such innovations: emissions trading, the earned-income tax credit, low trade tariffs, welfare-to-work programs, more effective monetary policy, auctions of spectrum licenses, transport-sector deregulation, deferred-acceptance algorithms, enlightened antitrust policy, an all-volunteer military, and clever use of default options to promote saving for retirement.
When consumers see the benefits of market deregulation, for example, perhaps they will feel compensated for having to work longer for their retirement.
Does he realize that since the era of deregulation and liberalization began in the late 1970s, GDP growth has slowed markedly, and that what growth has occurred has primarily benefited those at the top?
Does he know that prior to these “reforms,” the US had not had a financial crisis – now a regular occurrence around the world – for a half-century, and that deregulation led to a bloated financial sector that attracted many talented young people who otherwise might have devoted their careers to more productive activities?
The simplistic equation of financial liberalization with financial deregulation was at the root of Asia’s crisis.
Much as the Washington Consensus focused on financial liberalization, deregulation, free capital movements, privatization, and stable macroeconomic policy as the keys to development, today’s political consensus is on free elections and the political empowerment of the hitherto oppressed, without sufficient attention being paid to the institutional underpinnings of democracy, such as a functioning judicial system, an infrastructure of political parties, and other constitutional arrangements.
(As James Kwak and I argued in our book 13 Bankers, what really mattered was the decades-long bipartisan process of deregulation, for which the end of Glass-Steagall was a prominent symbol.)
Consider “neoliberalism,” a term of derision for many because it has come to be viewed as a doctrine of deregulation and pure laissez-faire.
The agents of competition are of course world trade, made more effective by technology, domestic deregulation and dismantling welfare states.
Consider now the forces of competition: international trade, deregulation, restructuring, and information.
Corruption scandals have in fact strengthened the deregulation movements in both South Korea and Japan.
Some are criticizing Summers’s ardent pursuit of financial deregulation during the 1990’s, when he headed the US Treasury under President Bill Clinton.
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