Example collocations logo

Democrats in sentence

488 examples of Democrats in a sentence

Gone is the simplistic view of a conflict pitting aspiring democrats against a grouchy dictator – the familiar (though not entirely accurate) narrative of the Arab Spring.
Would-be democrats, freedom fighters, jihadists, Sunni extremists, and Al Qaeda elements – all supported by Sunni Arab countries and groups, now man one side of the battle lines.
During the past year’s investigation of possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia ahead of the 2016 US presidential election, Congress has leaked like a sieve, and many congressional Democrats have made it clear that they will “resist” Trump at every turn.
Peace (brokered by India, with active United Nations support) came only after the Maoists and the democrats agreed in 2005 to establish a Constituent Assembly.
Even if Putin has found a way to retain power without amending the constitution – a possibility that was endlessly speculated about by Russia’s dwindling band of democrats – the undemocratic nature of his strategy is glaringly obvious.
Until The General Theory was published in 1936, social democrats did not know how to go about achieving full employment.
So Russia's liberals and democrats face a harsh choice: do they support Putin's personal authoritarianism or seek to weaken and delegitimize him and thus restore the role of an ascendant bureaucracy?
That means that both parties increasingly defend the interests of the rich, though Republicans do so slightly more than Democrats.
A new Pan-European security alliance was conceived as a replacement, with the more naive among us believing that, in the new era in which all are democrats, security alliances no longer mattered.
It may still be in power, but its stock is falling fast, as David Cameron, Europe’s social democrats, Hillary Clinton, the European Commission, and even Greece’s post-capitulation Syriza government can attest.
For Havel, democracy without true democrats is impossible.
Russia's democrats, who have an enormous stake in a peaceful future, are adamant that extending alliance membership to Central Europe will isolate their country from Europe, strengthen Russian political forces that favor authoritarian rule at home and neoimperial policies abroad, and, by appearing to threaten Russia, provide a rallying point for reconstructing Russian military power.
European social democrats, for example, worry that a basic income could undermine the worker solidarity that underpins current social-insurance programs.
That is why illiberal democrats who place politics first will ultimately undermine the prosperity and strength of their countries, and thus their own legitimacy.
Tyrants everywhere – and more than a few democrats – would do well to take note.
What we should do now is what democrats should have done in 1930 to prevent a catastrophe that is now becoming imaginable once again.
We should establish a pan-European coalition of radical, social, green, and liberal democrats to put the “demos” back into democracy, countering an EU establishment that sees people power as a threat to its authority.
The citizens of today’s free societies are (almost always) democrats out of conviction, custom, and habit.
As Ayrault was trying to reassure his skeptical colleagues, including many members of his own party, European Commissioner for Competition Joaquin Almunia was delivering a similar message to his fellow social democrats in Brussels.
To start, we can rule out Chile from the supposed leftist surge, for it is a country ruled by a centrist coalition of Ricardo Lagos’s European-style socialists and the country’s historic Christian democrats.
Ex-communists were often reincarnated politically as social democrats.
Communists saw social democrats as a greater danger than Nazis; and leftwing intellectuals were distracted by the hypocrisy and corruption of mainstream parties they really should have supported.
In particular, the perceived need to channel Europe’s existing political families into a two-party system, with social democrats on one side and “people’s parties” on the other, is deeply problematic.
Nor is it clear that Spanish socialists have more in common with German social democrats than with their fellow nationals.
In both cases, pressures from the Republicans as well as from centrist Democrats helped to pull the Clinton Administration onto the correct track: supporting free trade despite powerful protectionist allies in the Democratic Party; supporting budget deficit reduction instead of large fiscal spending programs.
In fact, social democrats were regarded as more dangerous than hard-line conservatives, because their moderate left-wing talk only served to postpone the revolution.
In light of this danger, the overwhelming interest of Russian democrats and Western policy makers is to support Russia's honest, democratic reformers.
The constituency created by reform is not limited to dissidents and democrats.
This constituency could grow dramatically if democrats and economic reformers focused renewed energy on the need for honesty and fairness in government; on an enhanced social safety net financed by higher taxation of natural resource enterprises; and on further market reforms aimed at separating the economy from the grasping hands of politicians and bureaucrats.
Northern Europe’s political elites, largely social or Christian democrats, have often been dismissive of such fears, and their paternalism and condescension may be why the backlash in those liberal countries has been particularly fierce.
BackNext