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Demand in sentence

6331 examples of Demand in a sentence

Finding that the pottery has been damaged in transit, they demand compensation from the airline.
Sub-Saharan Africa’s public-debt burden has not yet hindered investment demand.
Hence there will inevitably be a demand for greater accountability, and even for the involvement of political authorities in the process of setting central-bank policies.
Yet their demand for health care is significant.
It is no coincidence that the demand by Congress for the list of RFC loans occurred in 1932, also a presidential election year.
As investors sought the higher yields on land, property, equities, bonds, and bank deposits that were attainable in emerging markets after 2008, capital inflows to Latin America tripled, boosting asset prices, credit, and aggregate demand.
Others, including some senior Republicans, cite the recently released US intelligence report on Russia’s suspected interference in the election and demand stern measures against Putin’s government, even though a new Cold War is clearly in no one’s interest.
The enthusiasm with which the international community welcomed those changes now seems all but forgotten, which is also true of recent elections in Palestine – another longstanding international demand.
Europe must not only put forward a clear demand for an immediate cease-fire and the end to Syrian and Iranian meddling in Lebanon, it must also provide the means to enforce it as well as massive support for Lebanon’s reconstruction.
Neighboring Brazil helped by undergoing a boom of its own, which pumped up demand for a wide range of Argentine products.
Fearing a weaker peso, spooked investors demand dollars.
And China’s recently announced urbanization strategy should ensure that cities’ demographic structure supports intrinsic demand.
Indeed, helicopter gun-ships and expensive crop replacement programs may provide TV-friendly images that politicians love, but do nothing to lessen the demand for drugs.
Indeed, such measures are crucial in the long term, because if BPO makes developing countries better off, their demand for goods and services will grow.
In other words, while the laws stymie one supply channel, they do not shut down the pipeline – and they do nothing to curb demand.
With the post-crisis resetting of domestic consumption and savings, US aggregate demand will remain depressed.
In the longer run, that gap needs to be filled by higher foreign demand and increased export potential.
Imports could fall, as they did during the crisis, but that was due to declining demand, not to a shift in demand in favor of domestic producers.
If growth in the trade sector boosts that of domestic non-trade sectors, then a fixed exchange rate will not put pressure on the external balance of payments as demand for imports rises.
Exposure to the outside world through travel, satellite TV, and the Internet has increased public demand for political rights, including the democratic representation that state paternalism has historically denied.
In a world hungry for attractive investment returns, a prospective Trump boom has drawn funds to Wall Street, in turn increasing demand for the dollar.
Whether that fall reflected low demand for credit or constrained supply may seem like a technical issue.
But there is strong evidence that once the immediate crisis was over, lack of demand for credit played a far larger role than restricted supply in impeding economic growth.
Poor customer demand was ranked well ahead of credit availability as a constraint on growth.
Nonetheless, the rate of decline in private-sector loans has accelerated over the last year – from -0.6% to -2% – and low demand is acknowledged to be the main driver of depressed credit growth.
The result was a vast amount of cheap liquidity that helped to stabilize the financial sector, restore stock and real-estate prices, and increase domestic demand.
Moreover, they have adopted a negative interest-rate policy – which amounts to charging a fee for bank reserves – to revitalize depressed demand.
In the US, demand has not recovered, despite almost three years of near-zero interest rates.
But higher risk premia elsewhere force the rest of the eurozone to cut spending, thus reducing their demand for these funds.
Prior to the crisis, Spain’s economy relied on demand created by a leveraged real-estate bubble – a pattern not dissimilar in some respects to that in the United States.
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