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Demand in sentence

6331 examples of Demand in a sentence

In the aftermath of the great recession, there are many ways in which these economies could put additional public spending to good use: to increase demand and employment, restore crumbling infrastructure, and boost research and development, particularly in green technologies.
The question now is whether Europe’s largest and most prosperous country will provide the leadership these trying times demand.
Imported legal solutions, it appears, are unlikely to work unless key constituencies - local farmers or business owners, say - support the process of legal transplantation and develop a demand for the legal solutions the transplanted rules offer.
Economic liberalization, deregulation of capital movements, suppression of subsidies, privatization of valuable public assets (liquidation would be a more appropriate word), fiscal austerity, high interest rates, and repressed demand became the order of the day.
If oil prices remain high – likely in the foreseeable future, given strong demand from the US, Japan, China, and India – oil revenues could reach $400-600 billion.
And now, like all asset-price surges that are divorced from the fundamentals of supply and demand, the gold bubble is deflating.
Ongoing private and public debt deleveraging has kept global demand growth below that of supply.
So, in the eurozone periphery, austerity is not a question of fine-tuning demand, but of ensuring governments’ solvency.
If they take away the monetary and fiscal stimulus too soon – when private demand remains shaky – there is a risk of falling back into recession and deflation.
But if the deficit countries spend less while the surplus countries don’t compensate by savings less and spending more – especially on private and public consumption – then excess productive capacity will meet a lack of aggregate demand, leading to another slump in global economic growth.
Countries that can still afford fiscal stimulus and need to reduce their savings and increase spending should contribute to the global current-account adjustment – via currency adjustments and expenditure increases – in order to prevent a global shortage of aggregate demand.
Failure to implement such coordinated policy measures – to sustain global aggregate demand at a time when deflationary trends are still severe in advanced economies – could lead to a very dangerous and damaging double-dip recession in advanced economies.
Such sentiments often spread and capture the public imagination at times of rapidly rising oil demand, sharp spikes in energy prices, and geo-political uncertainty.
Unless global demand collapses, at some point in the future oil production will peak and eventually be exhausted.
For it to be useful, believers in scarce oil must be able to predict such things as the timing of the oil peak, the state of demand when oil production reaches it, and the pattern of decline.
As divergences become explicit, the demand for a wider political debate about monetary policy and for political involvement in its formulation will become more intense.
If it is clear who will vote for which measure, there will be increased demand for a public debate about who should be chosen: why not elect the MPC, since it is effectively a monetary government?
Tensions between advocates of different policy solutions will lead to a demand for a greater political say.
But policymakers don’t like to see growth slow, and central bankers exhausted their toolkits in an attempt to stimulate economic activity despite insufficient demand.
The question now is whether a shift in focus from unconventional monetary policies to Keynesian demand management can save the day.
What makes Francis’s appeal different is that his words were directed not so much at the local population, but at the residents of North America and Europe, where demand for timber, biofuels, and agricultural products drives the destruction of the rainforests and imperils the lives of indigenous populations.
True, falling demand for natural resources in China (which accounts for nearly half of global demand for base metals) has had a lot to do with the sharp declines in these prices, which have hit many developing and emerging economies in Latin America and Africa hard.
Governments’ role will be different in countries like China, where officials will guide a shift from dependence on external sources of growth to more balanced demand.
That is by far the most protracted period of weakness in real US consumer demand since the end of World War II – and a massive slowdown from the pre-crisis pace of 3.6% annual real consumption growth from 1996 to 2007.
One of the first concepts to which an economics student is exposed in a basic macro course is “pent-up” consumer demand.
Over most of the postwar period, this post-recession release of pent-up consumer demand has been a powerful source of support for economic recovery.
By contrast, the release of pent-up demand in the current cycle amounted to just 3% annualized growth in the five quarters from early 2010 to early 2011.
The worst consumer recession in modern history, featuring a record collapse in durable-goods expenditures in 2008-2009, should have triggered an outsize surge of pent-up demand.
Instead, the release of pent-up consumer demand was literally half that of previous business cycles.
The third point is more diagnostic: The shockingly anemic pattern of post-crisis US consumer demand has resulted from a deep Japan-like balance-sheet recession.
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