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Deficit in sentence

2808 examples of Deficit in a sentence

There have been other serious problems, too, like over-reliance on speculative short-term capital inflows to finance a growing current-account deficit, and inadequate attention to boosting productive employment and promoting wage-led growth possibilities.
Ireland is the only country that has lowered its prices and wages, and its current-account deficit is about to swing into surplus.
By contrast, Spain’s external deficit is still above 4% of GDP, while Portugal and Greece recently recorded astronomical figures of around 10%.
But Steinbrueck also made it clear that he expects any sanctions in response to Germany’s predicted 3.4%-of-GDP fiscal deficit to be largely symbolic, not penalties that would cost its government or economy anything of significance.
Establishing floor prices for many agricultural products, and ensuring that Mexico produces what it consumes, runs counter to many NAFTA provisions – and to Trump’s goal of reducing the bilateral US trade deficit.
While the US is expected to grow by 3.3% this year and by 2.9% next year – roughly the long-term average for the past 30 years, this cannot be called a self-sustained upswing, given that the fiscal deficit is expected to reach a breathtaking 11% of GDP this year, before easing to a still-high 8.2% in 2011.
But this would mean reversing the priority given to deficit reduction.
In that time, the budget deficit was reduced 5 fold, and is now only about 1% of GDP, with unemployment dropping from 23% to 15%.
His new government vows to continue eliminating the public deficit and lowering unemployment.
Since 1999, the accumulated PAYG deficit reached 18% of GDP, about one-third of Poland’s entire government debt.
It soon became obvious that, given Poland’s constitutional 60%-of-GDP debt limit and 3%-of-GDP cap on the budget deficit, together with the squeeze on public finances in the wake of the global financial crisis, the OFE funding model was unsustainable.
After all, even deficit hawks acknowledge that we should be focusing not on today’s deficit, but on the long-term national debt.
Finally, most economists agree that, apart from these considerations, the appropriate size of a deficit depends in part on the state of the economy.
A weaker economy calls for a larger deficit, and the appropriate size of the deficit in the face of a recession depends on the precise circumstances.
But if these forecasts are right, then a premature “exit” from deficit spending risks pushing the economy back into recession.
But we must be wary of deficit fetishism.
Our efforts have been unprecedented, resulting in deficit reduction amounting to 1.5% of GDP in 2012, 1.7% in 2013, and an estimated 0.9% in 2014.
By 2015, deficit reduction will rely entirely on spending cuts.
For most of that summer, Mexico, with a projected fiscal deficit of around 11% of GDP, was still borrowing on international financial markets, though at an increasing premium.
And critics of the surplus countries are right that there are two sides to every balance, and that policies in both surplus and deficit countries should be subject to review.
Financial-sector deficit hawks said that governments should focus on eliminating deficits, preferably by cutting back on expenditures.
Stimulus spending, the deficit hawks’ favorite bogeyman, did not cause most of the increased deficits and debt, which are the result of “automatic stabilizers” – the tax cuts and spending increases that automatically accompany economic fluctuations.
The US current-account deficit, meanwhile, would remain largely unchanged: the tax would put money into government coffers, but the US would continue to run up debts abroad.
But, owing to its large external deficit, this system falls short on revenue collection.
But Europe cannot be built on this democratic deficit.
At the same time, the prospect of higher US inflation and massively higher US public debt levels must eventually weigh on the dollar, as does the still worrisome US trade deficit.
Today, it is preparing retaliatory legislation against China in response to pressure from many in the US who argue that an artificially weak renminbi is contributing to global imbalances, in particular to America’s massive bilateral trade deficit.
Above all, the new system would reflect Keynes’s view that global stability is undermined by capitalism’s innate tendency to drive a wedge between surplus and deficit economies.
The surpluses and deficits grow larger during the upturn, and the burden of adjustment falls disproportionately on debtors during the downturn, leading to a debt-deflationary process that takes root in the deficit regions before dampening demand everywhere.
It envisaged fixed currencies, which would require limited overdraft facilities for countries in chronic deficit and would entail constant haggling between finance ministers about re-setting exchange and interest rates.
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