Deficit
in sentence
2808 examples of Deficit in a sentence
So the budget
deficit
will persist, and more retrenchment will be required.
He thinks that America’s $500 billion trade
deficit
with China amounts to a loss, the result of “incompetent” US administrations allowing their Chinese counterparts to take advantage of them.
And then there is America’s current-account deficit, which is not necessarily a bad thing, as it implies the acquisition of large amounts of foreign capital.
While the US external
deficit
could stand to be reduced, as it partly reflects America’s own lack of savings, trade policy alone would be insufficient to achieve that goal.
Argentina is running a large fiscal deficit, while the main source of financial vulnerability in Chile is the private sector’s rising external debt.
Greece must slash its
deficit
by some 4% of GDP.
Even if all those
deficit
reductions are implemented, all the forecasts of economic growth in subsequent years, on which fiscal consolidation depends, are not realistic.
Likewise, Brazil must cool its overheated labor market and stem the deterioration in the external balance (which has swung from a small surplus to a
deficit
of more than 2% of GDP over the last three years, despite a large gain in the terms of trade).
The trade
deficit.
Yes, the US runs a massive trade
deficit
with China – around $295 billion in 2011, or fully 40% of America’s total merchandise trade gap of $738 billion.
Because the biggest share of the US trade gap is with China, a country vilified as a currency-manipulating cheater, the bilateral trade
deficit
has become the lightening rod for China bashers.
They are all part of an enormous multilateral trade
deficit
that stems from America’s unprecedented shortfall of saving – a depreciation-adjusted “net national saving rate” (combining businesses, households, and the government sector) that has been negative since 2008.
Most developing countries, and many rich ones, define their housing
deficit
according to the number of families living in units deemed socially unacceptable.
So, if the
deficit
being measured is one of houses rather than one of habitats, the solutions often do not solve the real problem.
Moreover, if the housing
deficit
is diagnosed as a dearth of adequate housing, then the solution is to build more houses for those who lack it – that is, the poor.
In order to separate the problem of the overall housing
deficit
from the problem of families with inadequate housing, policymakers need to address both supply and demand.
A bipartisan committee has to propose $1.5 trillion in
deficit
reduction by the end of this year, and Congress must either accept that proposal, or see immediate, politically painful expenditure cuts, which would include defense spending – an area that America’s Republicans care about strongly.
Countries can reduce their national debt by narrowing the budget
deficit
or achieving a primary surplus (the fiscal balance minus interest payments on outstanding debt).
With higher revenues and lower payouts, the budget
deficit
diminishes.
(Whether the results of the government’s recent decision to increase the fiscal
deficit
to stimulate the economy follow this long-term growth-enhancing pattern remains to be seen.)
And never before has a US president been elected with such a popular-vote deficit: 2.8 million and counting.
The US president-elect wants to restore growth via
deficit
spending in a country with a chronic shortfall of saving.
The numbers bear this out: since 2000, when national saving fell well below trend, the current-account
deficit
has widened to an average of 3.8% of GDP – nearly four times the 1% gap from 1970 to 1999.
Similarly, the net export
deficit
– the broadest measure of a country’s trade imbalance – has been 4% of GDP since 2000, versus an average of 1.1% over the final three decades of the twentieth century.
It fixates on country-specific sources of the trade deficit, like China and Mexico, but misses the fundamental point that these bilateral deficits are symptoms of America’s far deeper saving problem.
Presume for the moment that the US closes down trade with China and Mexico – the first and fourth largest components of the overall trade
deficit
– through a combination of tariffs and other protectionist measures (including the proposed renegotiation of NAFTA and a Mexican-funded border wall).
Without addressing America’s chronic saving shortage, the Chinese and Mexican components of the trade
deficit
would simply be redistributed to other countries – most likely to higher-cost producers.
Trump’s senior economic-policy advisers, Peter Navarro and Wilbur Ross (Trump's pick for commerce secretary), argued in a position paper in September that these estimates are flawed, because they don’t take into account “growth-inducing windfalls” from regulatory and energy reforms, or the added bonanza that should arise from a sharp narrowing of America’s trade
deficit.
Even the most conservative estimates of the federal budget
deficit
suggest that the already-depressed net national saving rate could re-enter negative territory at some point in the 2018-2019 period.
Protectionism, anemic saving, and
deficit
spending make for an especially toxic cocktail.
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