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Default in sentence

1154 examples of Default in a sentence

This means ensuring that the eurozone’s stronger economies do not view the group as a “debtor’s cartel” threatening to default collectively and destabilize Europe further.
Be it because of a sovereign default or because of large losses accumulated under complacent accounting rules, the insolvency of a large bank (particularly a European bank) is far from a remote possibility.
Credit default swaps (CDS) of major southern European banks trade slightly lower than the CDS of their sovereign states, indicating that the market does not perceive the latter as able to support the former.
The goal would not be to rescue banks and their creditors, but to minimize the disruption that an uncontrolled default might cause.
The Sarkozy OptionPARIS – From the Caucasus in August 2008 to the Middle East in January 2009, is France under President Nicolas Sarkozy attempting to incarnate what might be called “the West by default,” making maximum use of the window of opportunity opened by America’s presidential transition?
If France has again become a regional gendarme by default, it is largely for three reasons.
A Latin American default would have brought down the banking systems of all the major industrial countries, causing something like a replay of the Great Depression.
The solution that was eventually adopted was considered brilliant at the time, because it avoided formal default by any of the big Latin American borrowers (though Brazil briefly defaulted five years later, in 1987).
If Europe could show – in the worst possible scenario of sovereign default – how such a process might operate, uncertainty would be reduced and markets would be reassured.
Instead, it is claimed, eurozone members should have been allowed to default.
No matter that the public debt of the average US state is less than 0.5% of total US GDP, compared to 5% in the eurozone, which implies that the financial impact of a eurozone sovereign default would be much stronger.
If politicians cannot repeal corporatism, it will bury itself in debt and default, and a capitalist system could re-emerge from the discredited corporatist rubble.
Yet creditors sometimes prevail to their own detriment; by pushing the debtor to the breaking point, they end up bringing about a complete default.
Their manipulative default can lead to a pattern of continually deceiving colleagues and friends, which may explain why a Machiavellian personality would engage in sexual harassment or pursue short-term sexual encounters.
Nor did we anticipate the ways in which credit default swaps would mushroom after 2000.
But the insistence on orthodoxy is still sufficiently strong in China to remain the default defense against political critics.
Depending on your assessment of “Tea Party” strength on Capitol Hill, at least a partial debt default does not seem as implausible as it did in the past – and recent warnings from ratings agencies reflect this heightened risk.
But the consequences of any default would, ironically, actually increase the size of government relative to the US economy – the very outcome that Republican intransigents claim to be trying to avoid.
The reason is simple: a government default would destroy the credit system as we know it.
There is no company in the US that would be unaffected by a government default – and no bank or other financial institution that could provide a secure haven for savings.
The Republicans are right about one thing: a default would cause government spending to contract in real terms.
So this is what a US debt default would look like: the private sector would collapse, unemployment would quickly surpass 20%, and, while the government would shrink, it would remain the employer of last resort.
They are advocating a policy that would have dire effects, and that would accomplish the opposite of what they claim to want, because a default would immediately make the government more, not less, important.
No one believes that Germany is at risk of default, but investors overlook this sort of policy shift at their own risk.
After the conclusion of the American War of Independence, instead of returning to the old model of default, which had been applied as recently as 1770, the French elite did everything it could to avoid that outcome.
They do have interests: they want to collect on their insurance, and that means that the restructuring must be a “credit event” – tantamount to a default.
One would have hoped that the banks might have managed the default risk on the bonds in their portfolios by buying insurance.
The second is that the ECB knows that the financial system lacks transparency – and knows that investors know that they cannot gauge the impact of an involuntary default, which could cause credit markets to freeze, reprising the aftermath of Lehman Brothers’ collapse in September 2008.
On the other hand, if the ECB preferred to let major countries, such as Italy, default on their debts, this would likely weaken the euro even further, as investors feared a contagion of defaults.
After a series of showdowns, in which one company, Daewoo, threatened to default, and political forces rallied to its assistance, the government won; the hugely powerful Daewoo group underwent bankruptcy and restructuring.
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