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Cycles in sentence

384 examples of Cycles in a sentence

Summing up votes by party for the three recent election cycles (2014, 2016, and 2018), Democratic Senate candidates outpolled Republican candidates by roughly 120 million to 100 million.
In these cases, populist economics always produced cycles of inflation, currency depreciation, and instability, because global financial markets and other outsiders were skeptical from the start.
But, what if – and this is very likely – business cycles are not coordinated?
Yet, in addition to higher yields, three secular trends underpin the case for investing in emerging markets across global business cycles.
Worse still, such vicious cycles are difficult to break, because emerging-market currencies typically weaken when growth is threatened.
But can Brazil move beyond these stop-and-go cycles and ensure steady growth?
Second, this six-quarter plunge was followed, from mid-2009 through early 2013, by 15 quarters of annualized consumption growth averaging just 2% – an upturn that pales in comparison with what would have been expected based on past consumer-spending cycles.
Instead, the release of pent-up consumer demand was literally half that of previous business cycles.
If these proliferating trade pacts are to spur virtuous cycles of growth for developing countries, they must not only reduce trade barriers; they must also build the institutional framework of a modern economy, including robust intellectual property (IP) rights.
The evidence clearly shows that breaking intergenerational cycles of poverty and undernutrition is one of the most powerful ways to improve lives anywhere on the planet.
Meanwhile, the real economy eked out a decidedly subpar recovery, with real GDP growth holding to a 2.3% trajectory – fully two percentage points below the 4.3% norm of past cycles.
On the other hand, technology platforms that use “algorithmic scheduling” to align workers’ shifts and hours with business cycles automatically, continue to disrupt family life and cause unnecessary stress.
That failure partly reflects the short-termism that tends to dominate in Western democracies, where short electoral cycles (from about six months to four years) often compel politicians to focus on cyclical issues, rather than on structural impediments to long-term productivity gains and income growth.
In typical business cycles, countries are usually left to manage the recovery largely on their own.
Industries and firms, like people, have their own life cycles, and the pace of change in high-tech industries is unprecedented.
Electoral cycles (and the accompanying political pressures) are such that monetary policy, banking, and many other areas of policy and economic activity must be overseen by those with professional competence and a much longer time horizon than that of politicians.
In recent work with Christoph Trebesch of the Kiel Institute, we counted more than twice as many boom-bust cycles in commodity prices than in capital flows since 1820.
The country’s Gini coefficient is one of the worst in the world, reflecting stark levels of income inequality; its rate of unemployment, at 26.5%, is alarmingly high and hits young people the hardest; and too many people are stuck in disastrous poverty cycles.
While Singapore’s leaders still contend that meritocratically selected officials should take a long-term view, rather than cater to electoral cycles, they recognize the need for greater equality and wider political participation.
Political cycles are far from synchronized.
But while perfect policy is unattainable, partly effective controls can still play a useful role if targeted at the interface between short-term inflows and domestic credit cycles.
But, taken together, they can stem the volatility implied by short-term flows and help to smooth out domestic credit cycles.
Austerity programs have been largely counterproductive, generating vicious cycles of slow or no growth, business closures, skyrocketing unemployment, and tax-base erosion.
In particular, central banks’ behavior during the crisis has called into question whether inflation-targeting is an effective framework in the presence of systemic shocks, and, more broadly, whether it can be sustained throughout economic cycles.
In Western economies in particular, non-residential fixed investment is precisely the factor that was missing in previous, short-lived cycles of acceleration.
Indeed, historians have counted as many as 25 such cycles since the reign of Tsar Ivan III.
After all, the crisis had originated in the advanced economies, which are accustomed to managing business cycles, rather than in the emerging-market countries, where structural and secular forces dominate.
And nuclear power plant designs can be made safer with passive (automatic) safety systems and fuel cycles that leave behind less radioactive waste and fissile material that could be turned into weapons.
If desirable real estate is in scarce supply, credit creation and allocation can at times be driven not by rational analysis of alternative investment projects, but by self-reinforcing cycles in which more credit drives asset prices higher, which then sustains expectations of further rises, leading to more borrowing demand and credit supply.
As the Bank for International Settlements has shown, credit and real-estate cycles are not just part of the story of financial instability in advanced economies; they are almost the entire story.
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