Currencies
in sentence
1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence
One of the major shortcomings of the global trading system in recent decades has been the absence of an effective constraint on countries that intervene heavily in order to keep their
currencies
undervalued.
In essence, this would amount to the signatories agreeing not to manipulate their
currencies.
Participating countries could allow their
currencies
to float, or they could operate a fixed exchange rate.
These countries have found themselves on the receiving end not only of a correction in commodity prices and equities, but also of a brutal re-pricing of
currencies
and both local- and foreign-currency fixed-income assets.
This might stimulate real growth through several channels: by reducing lending rates, by raising the nominal value of public and private assets, and by weakening the euro against the dollar and other
currencies.
In the short term, he suggests that countries with reserve
currencies
spend more (especially to finance public-sector investments) and issue more debt.
The turning point in this spring’s euro panic came when big holders of reserve
currencies
signaled that they saw the need for the euro as an alternative to the increasingly problematic dollar and the equally vulnerable yen.
For years, the pragmatic answer has been the dollar, and to some extent other national currencies, giving rise to complaints of an “inordinate privilege” for the US.
Above all, confidence in its stability and availability must be maintained, which highlights the practicality of a national currency, or perhaps a variety of national
currencies.
Floating exchange rates were supposed to prevent countries from manipulating their currencies, but, by accumulating large quantities of US treasury bills, East Asian countries, especially China, kept their exchange rates artificially low.
Europe, Japan and the Ghost of John Maynard KeynesNEW HAVEN: Eleven countries within the EU are poised to merge their
currencies
forever into the euro.
Currencies, and the value of currencies, are not ends in themselves but are instead means to achieve economic results that really matter.
Financial globalization, meaning in essence the freedom to make any desired financial transaction, regardless of the
currencies
involved and the locations and nationalities of those involved in the transaction, is not an end in itself.
The agony of internal devaluation in the currency union’s weaker economies is increasingly driving voters and financial markets alike to call for a return to their national
currencies
– a trend that may well come to a head in May’s European Parliament election.
But, regardless of who leaves first, any countries trading in the euro for their defunct national
currencies
would, like an independent Scotland, have to determine the right degree of exchange-rate flexibility.
For example, while a fully floating currency would create a beneficial combination of discipline and flexibility, it might best be delayed in favor of an adjustable (“crawling”) peg to some anchor
currencies.
Pegging their
currencies
to the US dollar has aggravated this pro-cyclical pattern.
While the peg gives GCC
currencies
credibility, it has prevented real depreciation and fails to reflect the deep structural changes in GCC members’ economic and financial links over the past three decades – particularly the shift away from the United States and Europe and toward China and Asia.
Instead, the GCC countries should peg their
currencies
to a basket comprising the dollar, the euro, the yen, and the renminbi.
If the basket also included oil, GCC
currencies
could depreciate in line with a falling price – and rise if and when it recovers.
They would run down their trade surpluses and, in some cases, allow their
currencies
to appreciate.
This is not just a matter of revaluing the Chinese currency, as argued by some US policymakers, but requires gradual adjustment of most major
currencies
against the dollar in conjunction with concerted fiscal and monetary policy adjustments in the rest of the world.
After the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008, the rapid expansion of the money supply in the US and the UK triggered a sharp appreciation of the Japanese yen, as well as of some emerging-market
currencies.
As Barry Eichengreen and Jeffrey Sachs demonstrated in 1984, while abandoning the gold standard had an immediate negative impact, it quickly spurred recovery, with the first countries to devalue their
currencies
escaping depression earlier than others.
QE helped American exports by weakening the dollar relative to other
currencies.
The eurozone went one step further, aiming through monetary unification to eradicate fully the transaction costs associated with national
currencies
and exchange-rate risk.
The current exchange-rate regime, which links the RMB to a basket of currencies, was designed to give the PBC leeway to control the pace of RMB appreciation, while creating two-way fluctuations in the exchange rate against the US dollar in order to discourage speculators from making one-way bets on the RMB.
These countries have flexible exchange rates, relatively open capital accounts, good fundamentals, and “safe haven”
currencies.
The BRICS, in fact, might also be dubbed the R-5, after its members’
currencies
– the real, ruble, rupee, renminbi, and rand.
Was this just a peculiarity of the eurozone, in which sovereign countries did not control their own
currencies?
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