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Currencies in sentence

1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence

Moreover, as public confidence in the de-linked oil currencies increases over time, dollar indexation of private contracts will diminish, and currency movements will have a greater impact on overall prices.
Allowing their currencies to depreciate in real terms would make their products more competitive, and also provide an incentive for production to shift out of non-tradables into tradables.”
This is economists’ polite code for the message that the US must gradually cut its budget deficit, while other countries – like China and Japan – must gradually let the value of the dollar fall and that of their own currencies rise.
As Hyun Shin and other economists at the Bank for International Settlements have argued, low developed-country interest rates and a weak dollar drove financial markets, led by the New York and London hubs, to borrow money in low-interest-rate currencies and invest in higher-interest-rate currencies.
In any case, devaluation of the RMB in real terms or in terms of competitiveness in relationship with major Asian currencies has been already been occurring over recent months: All Asian currencies, including the Japanese yen, are appreciating; and domestic prices continue to deflate.
If the US dollar weakens in relation with other major currencies, China may not need to adjust RMB's nominal rate for quite a while.
And Ecuador has been saddled by falling oil revenues and dollarization in a region where most countries have already depreciated their currencies.
According to data provided by the Russian Institute of Economic Analysis, currently Russia's share in the world's land space is five times higher than Russia's share in the world population, and 8 times its share in the world GNP, calculated on the parity of currencies' purchasing power.
If Russia's share of global GNP is calculated using the market exchange rates of national currencies, the difference will not be 8 times, but 14 times.
In particular, wouldn’t a single global central bank and a world currency make more sense than our confusing, inefficient, and outdated assemblage of national monetary policies and currencies?
The benefits of ridding the world of national currencies would be enormous.
For their part, other EU member countries would have to decide whether to retain the euro in its truncated form or revert to their own national currencies, possibly pegging them to the revived Deutsche Mark or franc.
Indeed, such defaults – combined with factors like large current-account or fiscal deficits, overvalued currencies, high public-sector debt, and insufficient foreign-exchange reserves – have always triggered financial crises, from the Mexican peso crisis in 1994 to the Russian ruble crisis in 1998 to the American subprime mortgage crisis in 2008.
The over-valued dollar caused the US economy to hemorrhage spending on imports, jobs via off-shoring, and investment to countries with under-valued currencies.
Worse still, other countries whose currencies have appreciated against the renminbi can look forward to a Chinese import invasion.
These economies’ current-account surpluses, together with massive inflows of capital, have led their monetary authorities to try to prevent their national currencies from appreciating in order to maintain the competitiveness of their industries.
It is also true that the massive accumulation of foreign reserves that is now feeding the SWFs’ growth is excessive and driven by misguided exchange-rate policies, with vastly undervalued currencies resulting in current-account surpluses.
Commodity-price booms are usually associated with rising incomes, stronger fiscal positions, appreciating currencies, declining borrowing costs, and capital inflows.
Indeed, since the current slump began four years ago, economic activity for many commodity exporters has slowed markedly; their currencies have slid, after nearly a decade of relative stability; interest-rate spreads have widened; and capital inflows have dried up.
As a result, financial markets are anticipating faster growth in the United States – a perception that is boosting the dollar’s exchange rate against most currencies, including the renminbi, and triggering capital flight from emerging economies.
The other reserve-currency countries will probably continue to allow their currencies to depreciate, in order to reflate their economies, and emerging economies will probably continue to use exchange rates to cope with capital-flow volatility.
For another, the debt was highly complex, involving 152 types of bonds, six currencies, and eight jurisdictions.
Most importantly, they have maintained competitive currencies, which is the best way to ensure high profits for manufacturers.
In this effort, it would be in China’s interest to add the renminbi to the basket of currencies that determine the SDR’s value.
But the IMF also hinted at a willingness to be flexible, conceding that, because the SDR is fundamentally a reserve asset, the currencies that underpin it need only to be available in “sufficiently liquid and deep markets.”
It not only put financial markets and currencies at risk; it also exposed serious regulatory and governance shortcomings that have yet to be fully addressed.
But in Latin America, much of public and especially private debt remains dollar-denominated, which limits how much central banks can allow currencies to depreciate in response to higher US interest rates.
In Central and Eastern Europe, foreign banks extended euro- and Swiss franc-denominated corporate, home, and car loans to firms and households with incomes in local currency, which added to corporate and household financial distress when local currencies tanked.
Austrian, Italian, and Swiss regulators, seeing that their banks’ assets and liabilities were in their own currencies, looked the other way.
Back then, the Argentine peso was pegged to the US dollar, and both currencies were used equally for day-to-day transactions on the streets of Buenos Aires.
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