Currencies
in sentence
1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence
Instead, the government’s immediate idea for relieving exchange-rate pressure is to peg the renminbi to a basket of 13 currencies, instead of just to the US dollar.
As a result, these countries can expect lower capital inflows, again making for weak local
currencies.
If oil revenues fall further, they may be forced to sell those holdings, using the dollars to intervene in the foreign-exchange market and support their
currencies
or to bail out troubled banks, like Russia’s Trust Bank, the mid-size institution that the government rescued in December.
Rather, it has taken topics one at a time, seeking to reach consensus separately on each: the completion of efforts undertaken by the 2010 South Korean presidency to strengthen multilateral liquidity-provision schemes; the strengthening of multilateral surveillance; the appropriate use of capital controls; and a change in the composition of the basket of
currencies
that comprise the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Rights, a unit of account that was once expected to evolve into a global store of value.
The most likely scenario at that time horizon is a multi-polar system of one or several key international currencies, with the euro (assuming its survival) and China’s renminbi being prime candidates to second the US dollar in this role.
To be sure, both currently have severe shortcomings, and only one might attain international-currency status – or other
currencies
could emerge, though at a significantly longer time horizon.
This commentary draws on a recent co-authored report, Global
Currencies
for Tomorrow: A European Perspective (Bruegel and CEPII, 2011).
CAMBRIDGE – Only a small group of central banks refrain from intervening in the foreign-exchange market to stabilize their currencies’ exchange rate or coax it in the desired direction.
As a result, freely floating
currencies
are comparatively rare.
Worries about overvalued
currencies
permeated policy discussions in many emerging markets as recently as 2013, and sustained efforts to lean against the wind of appreciation resulted in record reserve accumulation for many central banks.
In the first half of the 1980s, following the Federal Reserve’s record interest-rate hikes, the dollar appreciated by almost 45% against other major
currencies.
The dollar has appreciated by more than 35% against a basket of
currencies
since its low point in July 2011.
In all three countries, the
currencies
have continued to plummet even after the IMF offered tens of billions of dollars in rescue funds.
As the investors flee, and the Asian
currencies
crumble, the banking systems of Asia are put against the brink of collapse.
Since the banks are large net international debtors, who have borrowed from abroad in dollars (and yen) to re-lend domestically in local currency, the balance sheets of the banks worsen every time the Asian
currencies
fall further.
NEWPORT BEACH – Not many countries nowadays seek a strong exchange rate; a few, including systemically important ones, are already actively weakening their
currencies.
Yet, because an exchange rate is a relative price, all
currencies
cannot weaken simultaneously.
One need not be an economist to figure out that, while all
currencies
can (and do) depreciate against something else (like gold, land, and other real assets), by definition they cannot all weaken against each other.
In order for some
currencies
to depreciate, others must appreciate.
To meet the latter objective, they turn to prudently managed countries, placing upward pressure on their currencies, too – and, again, beyond what would be warranted by domestic fundamentals.
In addition to short-term policy headaches, stronger
currencies
carry potentially significant costs in terms of hollowing out industrial and service sectors.
So, after a varying mix of tolerance and “heterodox” responses, officials are pulled into loosening their own monetary policy in order to weaken their countries’
currencies
or, at a minimum, limit the pace of appreciation.
This assortment of “Austrian” economists, radical monetarists, gold bugs, and Bitcoin fanatics has repeatedly warned that such a massive increase in global liquidity would lead to hyperinflation, the US dollar’s collapse, sky-high gold prices, and the eventual demise of fiat
currencies
at the hands of digital krypto-currency counterparts.
Moreover, the value of the dollar has been soaring against the yen, euro, and most emerging-market
currencies.
Given that the US dollar and the euro are the top two international reserve currencies, spillovers should be considered the new normal.
Today, migrants and their families often pay 10% or more of the remittances in fees to financial institutions that transfer funds and exchange
currencies.
Such a step would trigger immense volatility throughout the international monetary system, throwing many economies – such as those that link their
currencies
to the US dollar or hold a large volume of dollar reserves – into crisis.
Such an “e-SDR” would, in a sense, be the quintessential reserve asset, because it would be fully backed by reserve currencies, in the IMF-determined ratio.
Once the private sector comes to view the e-SDR as a less volatile unit of account than individual component currencies, asset managers, traders, and investors could begin to price their goods and services, and value their assets and liabilities, accordingly.
The e-SDR-denominated debt market would even be good for all reserve
currencies
– except the US dollar – as their weight in determining the asset’s value exceeds their current shares in foreign-exchange markets.
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