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Currencies in sentence

1239 examples of Currencies in a sentence

Since China reformed its exchange-rate regime in July 2005, the renminbi has risen 32% relative to the dollar and about 30% in inflation-adjusted terms against a broad basket of currencies.
How to Fight Currency ManipulationWASHINGTON, DC – Is it appropriate to use trade agreements to discourage countries from using large-scale intervention in the foreign-exchange market to hold down their currencies’ value?
In recent years, Japan, South Korea, and China have manipulated their currencies to keep them undervalued.
By discouraging foreign-exchange transactions, Tobin’s proposal sought to promote exchange-rate stability by preventing national currencies from coming under speculative attack.
The irony, of course, is that eurozone members have no national currencies to attack.
Cuba prints two currencies, the convertible peso (paired one-to-one with the US dollar) and the Cuban peso (pegged at 24 to the dollar).
Europe is experiencing a crisis of the fiat monetary system, which can only be overcome with competing private currencies.
Many emerging economies’ stock markets and currencies took a large hit, and headlines were soon announcing the end of the emerging-market boom.
At the same time, central banks from Sweden to China are realizing that they, too, can issue digital currencies.
But it is too soon to say how the new world of digital currencies will play out.
These measures will almost surely lead to a further depreciation of the major Asian currencies.
By contrast, countries like China and India, which avoided a surge of capital inflows, managed to maintain highly competitive domestic currencies, and thereby kept profitability and investment high.
Part of the solution to Japan's problem is surely a 20 or 30 percent real appreciation of currencies such as the won.
When developing nations are forced into overvalued currencies, entrepreneurship and investment in those activities are depressed.
True, all countries in the world cannot simultaneously undervalue their currencies.
Instead, too many developing countries have allowed their currencies to become overvalued, relying on booming commodity demand or financial inflows.
In 1931, after Britain and some two dozen other countries suspended gold convertibility and allowed their currencies to depreciate, countries that stuck to the gold standard found themselves in a deflationary vice.
In a desperate effort to do something – anything – to defend their economies, they turned to protectionism, imposing “exchange-rate dumping” duties, and import quotas to offset the loss of competitiveness caused by their own increasingly overvalued currencies.
In a flexible exchange rate system, currencies would have gradually depreciated, as happened in some other commodity exporting countries (such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand).
When Russia announced its suspension of payments on debt servicing, banks drew in their credits from other emerging markets around the world, especially countries with overvalued currencies and large bank debts.
These countries were vulnerable because of the falling commodities prices and the overvalued currencies.
This was compounded by strategic uncertainty related to how markets, investors and consumers would react to the replacement of national currencies with the Euro.
A rise in the index signifies real appreciation, meaning that the yen became more expensive relative to other currencies after correcting for relative price-level changes.
Then came the trade pressures from the US, and Japan agreed to a major realignment of currencies in the mid-1980s, starting with the so-called Plaza Accord in 1985.
This partly reflected nominal appreciation against the US dollar, together with effective appreciation against the euro, yen, Korean won, and other currencies as the US dollar strengthened relative to them.
Finally, global uncertainty about currencies stands in the way of a solution.
The Fed may hesitate to extend additional swap lines, because to do so could expose it to losses on foreign currencies.
In recent years, an emerging debate has focused on whether the global economic system of the 2000s – in which export-oriented emerging economies essentially pegged their currencies to the dollar to obtain faster growth and accumulate foreign-exchange reserves at spectacular rates – effectively created a sort of “Bretton Woods II.”Could China and the US formalize such a system, with the renminbi playing a greater role?
This depreciation should have helped our merchandise exports, and yet it coincides with their relative underperformance, because other currencies have depreciated against the dollar, too.
For this reason, economists focus on the “nominal effective exchange rate,” which compares the rupee’s value to that of other currencies by weighing their share in trade.
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