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Convergence in sentence

396 examples of Convergence in a sentence

Over the long run, globalization and economic convergence will resume, and emerging market and commodity currencies will have to strengthen.
These transfers have accelerated convergence when put to good use (for example, in several Spanish provinces), but have been ineffective when wasted (as in Greece).
All of this, together with post-crisis improvement in EU institutions (such as financial regulators) contributes to greater European convergence.
Either way, the euro’s creators were wrong to expect that the common currency would promote economic and political convergence among its members.
The convergence of sovereign debt yields implied and required by the establishment of the common currency need not return.
And last year’s multi-crisis has produced a convergence of opportunities.
In fact, by bringing about a convergence between democracy and dictatorship, new technologies render both of these dystopian visions impossible.
The Eastern Partnership is about EU integration, about the six countries moving closer to the EU’s values, legislation, and ways of working, and about the EU being there to support and help this convergence.
To be sure, some modern service activities are capable of productivity convergence as well.
Hailed in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis as the new engines of the world economy, the emerging economies are now acting as a drag on global growth, and many argue that their era of rapid expansion – and their quest to achieve convergence with advanced-country income levels – is over.
First, they argue that much convergence has already taken place in manufacturing.
The key to enabling continued convergence – even at a fairly rapid pace – is good political governance.
Now, China is at it again, including near the convergence point of China, India, and Pakistan – the same place last year’s PLA encroachment triggered a three-week military standoff.
The convergence of global incomes has blurred the line between “rich” and “poor” countries.
The convergence is indicative of the growing sense of the need for fiscal and eventual political union if the euro is to be maintained without damage to economic performance or democratic values.
This is understandable, given that the hope of interest-rate convergence was a decisive reason for these countries to join the euro in the first place.
For the Italian state, interest-rate convergence brought a medium-term reduction in debt-service payments of up to 6% of GDP.
Prices did converge during the implementation of the Single Market program, in the early 1990’s, but then price convergence stopped.
It maps out the architecture needed to “guarantee the minimum level of convergence required for the EMU to function effectively,” and calls for a more integrated financial, budgetary, and economic policy framework.
Divergence in policies and convergence in outcomes is not a realistic expectation.
Perhaps one could interpret the common currency as “forcing” eventual convergence in policies.
The huge design challenge is to find the right level of mandatory policy convergence – one that works economically and is acceptable politically.
True, sustained economic convergence eventually requires high-quality institutions.
But any pickup of wage growth in Germany will bring about an unintended benefit: a much-needed convergence of unit labor costs in the eurozone.
First, empirical evidence shows that convergence of per capita income between lagging and leading regions is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition for achieving poverty reduction and social convergence.
The introduction of the euro was supposed to reinforce convergence; in fact, it created divergences, with widely different levels of indebtedness and competitiveness separating the member countries.
Few serious analysts still believe that the spectacular economic convergence experienced by Asian countries, and less spectacularly by most Latin American and African countries, will be sustained in the decades ahead.
Following the Second World War, there were two waves of rapid economic convergence: one in the European periphery during the 1950s and 1960s, and another in East Asia since the 1960s.
In particular, they show that services have exhibited “unconditional convergence” in productivity recently.
The Ghani-O’Connell evidence includes data starting in the early 1990s, during which developing countries were experiencing economy-wide convergence, boosted by capital inflows and commodity windfalls.
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