Conventional
in sentence
1290 examples of Conventional in a sentence
At NATO’s summit in Chicago this month, determining the appropriate mix of conventional, nuclear, and missile-defense capabilities to ensure a reliable level of nuclear deterrence will undoubtedly be an important item on the agenda.
But we believe that the ongoing reductions of US
conventional
forces in Europe should not yet be compounded by any possible reduction in America’s nuclear capabilities there.
Should they keep printing money even after exhausting their ability to inject extra liquidity into the economy via
conventional
open-market operations, which is now the case in the United States and elsewhere?
With our current technology, the amount of recoverable natural gas worldwide-called
"conventional
gas" in industry parlance-represents about a 60-year supply at today's prices and rate of consumption.
Only 6% of
conventional
reserves are in North America-roughly a ten-year supply for that continent.
There is a well-established method for estimating reserves yet to be found, and whether one examines currently proven reserves or future projections, one fact stands out:
conventional
gas supplies are distributed unevenly around the world-and in places far from most consumers.
Conventional
gas production will increasingly be concentrated in these two regions over the coming decades.2Gas hydrate, however, is abundant in offshore areas near many major consuming nations-indeed, generally within their exclusive economic zones.
Blake Ridge alone contains six times more natural gas than all American
conventional
reserves combined.
Even if gas hydrate will never be economically competitive with
conventional
gas, it may have value as a strategic energy reserve.
The
conventional
wisdom is that Russian industrial growth is only an effect of high oil prices and import substitution, facilitated by a great devaluation of the ruble.
Barry Eichengreen and Jeffrey Sachs have persuasively argued this for the 1930’s (the opposite of the
conventional
wisdom regarding beggar-thy-neighbor competitive devaluations).
Third, we face steeply rising prices for fossil fuels, as developing countries’ growth drives up demand and
conventional
supplies of coal, oil, and gas are depleted.
Shale-gas wells deplete far more rapidly than
conventional
fields do.
While
conventional
wisdom attributes political turmoil and instability to economic hardship, reality is rarely so neat.
Not even the “Great Recession” of 2007-2009 was as global as
conventional
wisdom in the developed countries suggests.
Conventional
wisdom holds that, through efficient financial markets, household savings will flow to companies that can best put the money to productive use.
To varying degrees,
conventional
“retain-and-invest” strategies are being replaced by “downsize-and-distribute” strategies, whereby profits are spent on increased dividends, stock buybacks, and mergers and acquisitions.
The problem is not with the constitution, but with the
conventional
wisdom – almost an idée fixe – that Iraq is a viable modern nation-state, and that all it needs to make it work properly is the right political institutions.
This should be acknowledged and ultimately welcomed, despite
conventional
diplomatic norms regarding the inviolability of the territorial integrity of existing states.
In such conditions, even a
conventional
program of classical music by the New York Philharmonic comes as a gust of fresh air.
Contrary to the advice of many Chinese economists, the country’s policymakers have opted not to follow the
conventional
Western approach of using flexible exchange rates as the main shock absorber for volatile capital flows and thereby freeing monetary policy to provide liquidity for domestic structural adjustments.
And, because state intervention puts a floor beneath market participants’ losses, it undermines the effectiveness of
conventional
macro policies.
In the meantime, countries like Chile and Colombia have given a free pass to their large conglomerates, which could be the kernel of the more
conventional
corporation-centered approach.
As Bernanke can attest,
conventional
monetary policies may stop working sooner rather than later.
Conventional
monetary policies, designed to fulfill the Fed’s dual mandate of price stability and full employment, are ill-equipped to cope with the systemic risks of asset and credit bubbles, to say nothing of the balance-sheet recessions that ensue after such bubbles burst.
Indeed, given that such recessions clog the monetary-policy transmission mechanism, neither
conventional
interest-rate adjustments nor unconventional liquidity injections have much impact in the wake of a crisis, when deleveraging and balance-sheet repair are urgent.
I claimed in the book that, in the absence of a more concerted government response, too much globalization would deepen societal cleavages, exacerbate distributional problems, and undermine domestic social bargains – arguments that have become
conventional
wisdom since.
With hindsight, we can see the misconception that took hold at the end of the Cold War, when
conventional
analysis assumed that authoritarian regimes would liberalize and democratize.
But some dubious assertions have, through constant repetition in recent, often breathless, accounts about the two economies, become part of
conventional
wisdom.
As conceived in Islamic political thought, a caliphate, unlike a
conventional
nation-state, is not subject to fixed borders.
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