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Consumption in sentence

2633 examples of Consumption in a sentence

One hopes that this is a reflection not of a consumption slowdown, but rather of Chinese policymakers tightening financial conditions in the second half of 2017.
And, indeed, a consumption slowdown would be bad not just for China, but also for the rest of the world economy, which is now depending on China’s shift from industrial production to domestic consumption.
There are many reasons for the dramatic increase in world food prices, but the starting point is increased food consumption, again strongly powered by China’s economic growth.
Emergency or humanitarian policies may improve basic consumption in the short run, but they may also discourage investment, increase inflation, and lower prospects for economic in the long run.
The measured loss of competitiveness in southern Europe thus should not be ascribed to a lack of structural reforms or unreasonable trade unions, but rather booms in domestic demand, fueled mainly by the easy availability of cheap credit for consumption (Greece) and construction (Spain, Ireland).
This excessive consumption and construction demand led to excess demand for labor, especially in protected sectors like services, thus driving up wage costs.
Meanwhile, the People’s Bank of China (PBOC) would face the unenviable task of both maintaining exchange-rate stability and combating deflation, by ensuring that the liquidity needed to support the shift away from manufacturing toward services and consumption is available at reasonable rates.
The US economy has been sustained by a consumption boom fueled by excessive borrowing, and that will be curtailed.
Retiring MugabeAt least for purposes of public consumption, southern Africa’s political leaders continue to stand by Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe, despite his country’s ever-deepening economic crisis, which is directly attributable to his tyrannical rule.
To finance consumption and growth, the US borrows surplus saving from abroad to compensate for the domestic shortfall.
For a while, government efforts to promote the services sector, together with wage increases, helped to stimulate domestic consumption and stave off deflation.
That is why it is so important that China’s leaders not only promote domestic consumption to offset stagnation elsewhere, but also ensure that state and market forces work reliably in concert.
Rapid population growth, a dramatic increase in water consumption due to industrial, agricultural, and tourism growth, and rising standards of living will make the water issue even more important to the region’s political stability than it is already.
But it did little to revive household consumption, which accounts for about 70% of the US economy.
In fact, since early 2008, annualized growth in real consumer expenditure has averaged a mere 1.3% – the most anemic period of consumption growth on record.
As John Maynard Keynes famously pointed out after the Great Depression, when an economy is locked in a “liquidity trap,” with low interest rates unable to induce investment or consumption, attempting to use monetary policy to spur demand is like pushing on a string.
Evolving consumption patterns, regulatory regimes, and digital technologies have lately encouraged more domestic production.
Meanwhile, China is already shifting from an export-driven growth model to one based on higher domestic consumption, so a stronger renminbi might serve its economy better.
The large hole (on the order of $700 billion or more) in global aggregate demand will have to be filled over time by a compensating increase in consumption in surplus economies, such as China and Japan.
For many economies, exports to America would slow, and growth would depend either on finding new markets (say, increased sales in Europe and Japan if those economies picked up), or on being able to increase domestic consumption and investment within those economies.
Given that debt-fueled consumption has run its course, productivity gains will become an increasingly critical driver of economic growth.
The young normally face low, current wage income, but faster growth in future income, and would ideally borrow against future income to augment consumption today and to invest in education.
This would mean that China’s much-publicized effort to boost domestic consumption might in fact call for appropriate credit-market reforms.
Certainly, a slowing China that is rebalancing toward domestic consumption has put a damper on all global commodity prices, with metal indices also falling sharply in 2015.
Shifting to corn not only reduces water consumption; it also cuts the amount of pollution that reaches city residents downstream.
Moreover, because the elderly tend to spend more and save less, rich countries will also face changes in the ratio of savings to consumption in their national income, as well as in the composition of what is purchased.
The main uncertainties stem from the coming increase in the consumption tax and slow implementation of the third “arrow” of “Abenomics,” namely structural reforms and trade liberalization.
But, despite the reforms set out by the Third Plenum of the Communist Party’s Central Committee, the shift in China’s growth model from fixed investment toward private consumption will occur too slowly.
The idea is that future generations would need to reduce their consumption in order to pay the taxes required to retire the outstanding debt: government deficits today “crowd out” the next generation’s consumption.
The burden of reduced consumption to pay for government spending is actually borne by the generation which lends the government the money in the first place.
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