Consumption
in sentence
2633 examples of Consumption in a sentence
They are afflicted by subpar consumption, excess saving, and chronic trade surpluses.
Others, including me, are more critical of America’s long-standing penchant for excess
consumption
and the role that surplus economies play in enabling it.
The US tax code has long been biased toward low saving and debt-financed consumption; the deductibility of mortgage interest, the absence of any value-added or national sales tax, and a dearth of saving incentives are especially problematic.
It didn’t matter that the US
consumption
binge was built on a foundation of quicksand.
Indeed, while China’s new stimulus plan overwhelmingly emphasizes infrastructure, it gives short shrift to social programs, such as health care and education, even though they can reduce household saving pressure and increase private
consumption.
No wonder domestic
consumption
cannot grow in a manner commensurate with GDP.
Transforming China from an export-driven economy to one that relies on domestic
consumption
requires two fundamental reforms.
What is missing is sufficient private
consumption
to power endogenous growth.
When investment spending does not budge, they recommend that we turn “excess” saving into another
consumption
binge.
Instead of advising Japan and China to raise their
consumption
rates, macroeconomists would be wiser to encourage these economies to use their high savings to fund not only domestic but also overseas investments.
Yet, although education is essential to fight obesity, it is far from clear whether it will be enough in a food environment dominated by large corporations with deep pockets and every incentive to cultivate excessive
consumption.
Such disruptions to a settled way of life slash output, consumption, and human welfare.
He explained that when future
consumption
prospects are misshapen relative to the tried-and-true bell curve, so that there seems to be a higher chance of bad outcomes, the market-clearing (or “equilibrium”) real interest rate falls relative to its history.
Indeed, around 1950, the world seems to have reached a tipping point, with practically every factor that heightens humanity’s impact on the planet – population, GDP, fertilizer use, the proliferation of telephones, and paper consumption, to name only a few – beginning to increase rapidly.
During this period, which the scientist Will Steffen dubbed the “Great Acceleration,” the human population became sufficiently large and connected, with high enough consumption, to become a major global force.
For example, producing and delivering nutritious food consistently to upwards of nine billion people by mid-century has implications for water and energy consumption, agricultural development and land use, the nitrogen and phosphorus cycles, and ocean acidification, not to mention biodiversity loss, such as through overfishing.
It began rebalancing its economy from saving to
consumption
and from exports to domestic demand.
And, if a person became indebted, it was a point of honor to repay the obligation when it fell due, by selling assets, reducing consumption, working harder, or some combination of the three.
Similar approaches now promise to revolutionize most aspects of urban life – from commuting to energy
consumption
to personal health – and are receiving eager support from venture capital funds.
The dilemma for China’s leaders is that meeting the need for more in pollution control and infrastructure makes it more difficult to achieve their goal of shifting the country’s economic-growth model from one based on investment and exports to one based on
consumption.
But more
consumption
today would further aggravate the pollution problem.
High prices for commodities today mean more supply for future generations, while at the same time creating an incentive to develop new ways to conserve on
consumption.
Parliament watered down a proposal for far-reaching pension reform to the point that it borders on useless, and repeated promises to stop subsidizing wasteful energy
consumption
through low gas prices have not been honored.
As output and
consumption
become more stable, investors do not demand as large a risk premium.
That result, along with the same figures for final
consumption
expenditure and net exports used by the NBS (but calculated independently), yields a total for expenditure-based GDP that is 32% higher than the production-based figure released by the NBS.
Indeed, official figures for fixed-capital formation may well be produced with simple adjustments, aimed at getting it as close as possible to GDP by production minus
consumption
expenditure and net exports.
Of course, if this is the case, an underestimation of
consumption
share, which is likely to happen, would produce an inflated share of fixed-capital formation in China’s GDP.
But the US has done a great deal in terms of adopting tax cuts that boost
consumption
relative to income and lower government revenue relative to expenditure.
The stated basis for those tariffs was “national security,” even though US defense industries account for just 3% of the country’s steel
consumption.
In the case of rivals such as China, steel imports were already subject to tariffs as high as 70%, and accounted for only 2% of US steel
consumption.
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