Consumption
in sentence
2633 examples of Consumption in a sentence
Higher exports would not only have yielded directly higher revenues; they would have had a multiplier effect on the domestic economy as well, thereby increasing
consumption
tax revenues.
It is likely that
consumption
of no other fish has soared more than that of farmed salmon, with production surging by almost 300% in 20 years.
In Ireland and Spain, private savings collapsed, and a housing bubble fueled excessive consumption, while in Greece, Portugal, Cyprus, and Italy, it was excessive fiscal deficits that exacerbated external imbalances.
Moreover, the peripheral countries’ large current-account deficits, fueled as they were by excessive consumption, were accompanied by economic stagnation and loss of competitiveness.
Botswana’s attempts to diversify its economy are constrained by water shortages; but “water accounts” are helping the government to identify sectors – including agriculture, mining, and tourism – that can grow with minimal water
consumption.
He proposed a progressive
consumption
tax as a way to pay for it.
The current state of affairs fails to meet their expectations, especially when contrasted with an idealized version of the past or the new patterns of
consumption
portrayed in the media.
In recent months, Mexican exports have been slowing, while domestic
consumption
is picking up as a source of demand.
Yields, on average, barely support survival, and crop failures are common and deadly, while long-term global climate change, caused mainly by high energy
consumption
in the rich countries, may be exacerbating the frequency and severity of droughts.
More recently, human activity has undergone what is being called the Great Acceleration: the rapid intensification of resource
consumption
and ecological degradation.
Nordhaus relies on traditional economic analysis, which “discounts” the present value of future
consumption
by the return on capital, or interest rates.
Just ask an older person with an inadequate (or nonexistent) pension whether his present welfare is worth less than his past
consumption.
Here, the wage surprise stands out, because only when the long-missing link between corporate profitability and wages is restored will investment in houses, cars, and other durables, and household
consumption
in general, finally rid Japan of its deflation and put its economy on a sustained growth path.
That infusion of capital adds to destination countries’ tax base and boosts local
consumption.
Its imbalances have gotten worse as well, with the investment share of GDP approaching 50% and private
consumption
falling below 35% of GDP.
But the really bad news is that water
consumption
is growing faster than population – indeed, in the twentieth century it grew at twice the rate.
Notwithstanding the importance of these commitments in setting out opportunities for China’s middle class, they lacked a critical component: incentives for Chinese families to convert their newfound income into discretionary
consumption.
The reforms endorsed by the Third Plenum focus on this wedge between income and consumption, offering specific proposals aimed at altering the behavior of fear-driven Chinese families.
With a cap-and-trade system, the costs – in terms of jobs, household consumption, and economic growth – are hidden, shifted around, and not easy to estimate, though models indicate they will run into trillions of dollars.
First, falling labor income implies falling
consumption
for households, which have already been hard hit by a massive loss of wealth (as the value of equities and homes has fallen) and a sharp rise in their debt ratios.
With
consumption
accounting for 70% of US GDP in the US, and a similarly high percent in other advanced economies, this implies that the recession will last longer, and that economic recovery next year will be anemic (less than 1% growth in the US and even lower growth rates in Europe and Japan).
Thus, even as mounting job losses undermine consumption, housing prices, banks’ balance sheets, support for free trade, and public finances, the room for further policy stimulus is becoming narrower.
Third, contributing factors included low interest rates, compressed risk spreads, and global imbalances that accommodated low savings in the US,
consumption
in excess of output, and a mounting trade deficit.
Absent the willingness of large developing countries to run trade surpluses and high savings rates relative to investment, the asset bubble in the US – leading to a rise in domestic
consumption
and a fall in the savings rate – would have triggered inflation and higher interest rates.
For more than a decade prior to the crisis that began in 2008, the US economy fueled itself (and much of the global economy) with excessive
consumption.
Xi may be confronting the most difficult domestic agenda: an effort to engineer a relatively smooth transition from an economic structure based on manufacturing and exports to one in which domestic
consumption
and services fuel growth.
A second condition supporting SS1 is rooted in the impact of heightened uncertainty – about growth, job security, policies and regulations, and the many developments that could affect any of those factors – on investment and
consumption.
The same goes for household consumption, particularly in the advanced economies, where a larger share of
consumption
is optional (for example, replacing consumer durables, traveling, and eating out at restaurants).
The report proposes an agenda whose cost would be equivalent to just 1% of annual consumption, but would save the world risk equivalent costs that are five times greater.
The logic of sound banking tells us that current and future African governments should accept liability only for those portions of public debts that were incurred to finance bona fide domestic investment or public
consumption.
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