Example collocations logo

Constitution in sentence

1156 examples of Constitution in a sentence

But, though the Congress prime minister, Sushil Koirala, and his Communist deputy, K.P. Oli, have presided over a more stable country, they have been unable to forge consensus on a new constitution.
The opposition parties have gained wide support for their position, with Nepal's largest media organizations, key civil-society leaders, minority activists, and women's groups all opposing the ruling coalition's effort to railroad a constitution through the Constituent Assembly.
And the United Nations Security Council has called for an inclusive constitution with the broadest possible support.
Liu is one of the main drafters of Charter 08, a petition inspired by Czechoslovakia’s Charter 77, calling on the Chinese government to adhere to its own laws and constitution, and demanding the open election of public officials, freedom of religion and expression, and the abolition of “subversion” laws.
Even if Putin has found a way to retain power without amending the constitution – a possibility that was endlessly speculated about by Russia’s dwindling band of democrats – the undemocratic nature of his strategy is glaringly obvious.
In order to placate Hong Kong’s restive population – which included many refugees from China – a “one country, two systems” policy was embedded in the region’s constitution, promising Hong Kong “a high degree of autonomy,” except in foreign and defense affairs for 50 years.
Turkey’s constitution has been amended repeatedly since the coup.
In 2007, the AKP government briefly seemed interested in a new constitution, having weathered threats of a military coup just before the elections.
But, before any public debate could occur, the AKP decided to amend only two articles of the constitution, in order to allow female university students to wear headscarves on campus.
Moreover, in a case brought to the Constitutional Court, the AKP’s support for the amendment was used as evidence that the party was violating Turkey’s secular constitution.
Likewise, an affirmative-action clause for women is little different from a provision in the current constitution.
Moreover, the socialist and the liberal left are divided over whether some progress is better than none, with opponents arguing that half-hearted changes to the constitution would preclude eventual real reform.
Iceland, for example, has embarked on an unprecedented experiment in crafting a bottom-up, “crowd-sourced” constitution.
In particular, the new constitution strengthens the powers of the prime minister and enables him to call early elections in the event of a government crisis.
But Havel was drawn into everyday politics because the Czech constitution gave him no choice.
He maintained a constitution, and held elections, but this did not make him a democratic ruler, nor was he able to extricate his country from appalling backwardness despite its tremendous potential for economic development.
A month later, talking to Putin by phone, Biden invited him to visit Washington, though, according to Russia’s constitution, the prime minister has no foreign-policy role.
But if he holds on to power contrary to the constitution, his popularity could easily collapse, especially as his economic policy has thrived on luck, not reform.
During the campaign, he did not try to hide his preference for a strong executive presidency and unabashedly supported the AKP – violating the neutral stance that Turkey’s constitution requires the president to maintain.
To be sure, the EU’s lengthy internal crisis over the proposed constitution was a major distraction, and damaged the Union’s reputation in the Balkans.
Constitutional PoliticsA cynic might be tempted to say that when politicians run out of ideas, they turn to making or changing the constitution.
So the EU turned to constitution making.
What has changed under New Labour's rule is the British constitution.
The process requires constitution making of an often complex and painful kind.
Elsewhere, notably in many of the Soviet Union’s other successor states and in Latin America, those in power have often simply changed the constitution – including rules on term limits – to their advantage.
The constitution of liberty requires both, and the rule of law is the more difficult of the two to establish and maintain, for it requires not just a constitution but, almost more importantly, an independent judiciary that is sensitive to violations of constitutional and other legitimate rules.
Many Western strategists and scholars based their assessment on a false assumption: the Soviet Union could also become free, if only its name was properly edited and the right constitution drafted for it.
These concerns remain acute, even in the aftermath of the decision by the Czech Constitutional Court on November 26 that the Lisbon Treaty is compatible with the Czech constitution and can be ratified in the normal way by the Czech Parliament.
This is not a new problem for the US, whose constitution is based on the eighteenth-century liberal view that power is best controlled by fragmentation and countervailing checks and balances, with the president and Congress forced to compete for control in areas like foreign policy.
Paradoxically, it is France, which initiated – or at least reinforced – the European Union’s deep identity crisis by its resounding “No” to the EU constitution in 2005, that could emerge with more clout from today’s Middle East morass.
BackNext