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Constitution in sentence

1156 examples of Constitution in a sentence

Last July, Moroccans voted overwhelmingly to approve a new constitution that shifts executive power from the king to the prime minister, who will now be fully responsible for the cabinet, the civil service, and the implementation of government policies.
On the other hand, if the protagonists are patient, the winds of democracy could lead to a stronger constitution, free of the risks of economic and judicial nightmare that some aspects of the present draft entail.
These protections have no place in a constitution, particularly one that cannot be easily amended.
The latest signs are Chinese President Xi Jinping’s purge of General Xu Caihou, an ex-Politburo member and former vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission, on charges of corruption, and Japan’s “reinterpretation” of Article 9 of its constitution to permit the country to provide military aid to its allies.
Most recently, it has unveiled plans to write a new constitution before the presidential election, and its electoral commission has disqualified 10 of the 23 presidential candidates on flimsy grounds.
But, while Suharto’s approach supported economic progress, critics charged that it betrayed the spirit of the 1945 constitution, which calls for Indonesia to play an active role in fostering world peace.
And while both water and food are guaranteed in South Africa’s constitution, only water is provided for free.
It is no accident that the democratic process has emerged most smoothly where there was some external power to back up the constitution.
China as Seen from a Glass HouseNEW HAVEN – The removal from the Chinese constitution of the provision limiting presidents to two five-year terms came as a shock to many.
While the emperor is merely the “symbol of the state” under Japan’s US-imposed postwar constitution, he retains significant influence, owing to Japanese veneration of the imperial dynasty – the world’s oldest continuous hereditary monarchy, the origins of which can be traced to 660 BC.
Foreign experts helped draft model legal codes and revised draft laws throughout the Yeltsin era in Russia; outsiders helped craft Ukraine’s postcommunist constitution, the charters for the central bank of Estonia, Poland’s secured transaction regime, and Bulgaria’s securities regulations.
In fact, they were the reasons why the learned authors of independent Norway’s first constitution, drafted in 1814, prohibited Jews from becoming citizens.
However, the fate of Bush’s friend, British Prime Minister Tony Blair, shows that lame-duck status can occur even without a constitutional term limit – indeed, without a written constitution at all.
What matters is that mechanisms are in place that do make them leave, probably rather too late, and certainly with some pain and unhappiness, but in time for the constitution of liberty to remain intact.
Europe's Unity in European ValuesAlongside the debate about the European Union constitution, a debate about European values has also developed.
This debate is important not only for implanting meaning in the constitution, but will also determine the vitality and energy of the EU itself.
At its core, a democratic system is simply a legal framework – underpinned by a constitution – that facilitates discussion and dispute resolution.
If there is a problem with the framework, the constitution can be changed, though this cannot be done frivolously.
But it needs great doctrinal clarity, a firm political will, and a constitution.
Trans-Dniestr has its own government and parliament, army, constitution, flag, and a rousing Soviet-style national anthem; of course, its nationhood would be incomplete without its own currency.
A new pacifist constitution, written by the Americans, banned the use of armed force.
Kishi’s aim was to regain Japanese pride and sovereignty by revising the constitution and reviving old-fashioned patriotism, thus undoing some of the American educational reforms.
Many French do not hold “Europe” (meaning the European Commission in Brussels) in high standing, and, as the 2005 referendum on a European constitution showed, that has been true for some time.
To revise or not to revise the constitution, especially Article 9, remains a divisive political issues here, for pressures for change come not only from within by conservative politicians, but from without.
The central issue is a demand by all opposition parties and civil society groups to amend the 1971 constitution and abolish the 23-year-old State of Emergency that was imposed following Anwar Sadat's assassination in 1981.
Regional and international events have also emboldened the Egyptian opposition, not only to press for reform, but to focus on amending the constitution's articles that pertain to the presidency.
The current constitution was adopted in October 1971, and has 211 articles, 30 of which concern the presidency.
Although the Ukrainian constitution bans dual citizenship, the government has had to launch an inquiry into alleged covert Russian passport-holding in the Crimean city of Sevastopol.
In a ceremony celebrating the promulgation of the current 1982 constitution, Hu reportedly expressed interest in strengthening constitutional protections against official intrusions in people's lives and in promoting extensive legal reform.
Mr Cao was careful to stay within the bounds of moderate reformism, yet he openly called for reform within five areas of governance: the constitution, separation of powers, elections, political parties, and the culture of politics.
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