Example collocations logo

Constitution in sentence

1156 examples of Constitution in a sentence

So, instead of retiring gracefully, as presidents from Bill Clinton to Boris Yeltsin routinely do, Kuchma wants to change the constitution in order to become an all-powerful prime minister who will never face a limit on the length of his term.
On the contrary, what is rotten in Ukraine is not its constitution, but its president, who is mired in charges of corruption and orchestrating the murder of journalists, and who is shunned by other world leaders.
But these should be made conditional on Kuchma leaving the country's constitution and democracy alone.
The constitution must be reformed, but not to shift power from one unaccountable leader to another.
Less certain is whether he will feel secure enough to hold a presidential election (or any other kind of election) if he cannot change the constitution in a way that guarantees his continued misrule.
However, the main source of any German Chancellor's strength is not to be found in the legal powers conferred upon him by the constitution; it is the actual support he holds within his own party.
Yet Kotb’s understanding contradicts with the established practices of the Prophet Mohammad, who created the first real state in the Arabian peninsula by declaring the constitution of Medina, which stated: “Mohammad and the Jews of Bani-Aof [who were citizens of Medina at that time] are one nation.”
The liberal-democratic alternative is to participate in the push and pull over the role of religion in public life within limits set by a super-majoritarian constitution, as more religiously oriented parties do in the US, Europe, and Israel.
The United States remains a democracy governed by a constitution and the rule of law, with pluralistic media, yet there are disturbing signs that the propaganda methods Orwell described have taken root here.
The shadow of forthcoming elections in Germany, together with concern over whether Irish voters will ratify the Lisbon treaty (giving Europe a badly needed new constitution), has conspired to impede reform momentum.
The European Commission recently lost much of its standing in the eyes of ordinary Europeans with the vitriolic fights between the Council and the Commission over the defunct Stability Pact and the failure to approve the draft constitution.
But most countries do not have an article in their own constitution that defines how to decide whether to terminate EU or euro membership.
In a hung parliament, Britain’s ancient constitution would become a pawn among the parties as they haggle for a share of power.
Moreover, the agency’s constitution, which each member country must sign, requires that Interpol not engage in political cases and that its actions respect the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which includes the right to freedom of expression.
Indeed, the HDP seemed at risk of failing to obtain the 10% of the vote it would need to enter parliament, an outcome that would have provided the AKP with a majority large enough to amend the constitution on its own.
This change in motivation requires changes in how the Union thinks about itself, changes that go beyond the ideas now circulating at the convention drawing up an EU constitution.
American foreign policy is structured by institutions and a constitution, but external crises can create a context much more susceptible to leaders’ choices, for better or worse.
Long before the current wave of nationalist populism, Europeans rejected a cautious European constitution.
It is a question of when, not if, the Japanese amend Article IX of their constitution, which limits the role of Japan’s armed forces to self-defense.
Alas, there has been only persistent talk of failure – to achieve political union, to adopt a constitution, to exercise global leadership and vision, to implement economic reforms, and the list of laments goes on.
The demand for a new constitution emulating Nigeria’s First Republic of the early 1960’s, when the country was a federation of powerful regions enjoying a large measure of fiscal autonomy, grew over the years as Nigeria’s economy plummeted.
In Ecuador, President Rafael Correa has become increasingly authoritarian – recently amending the constitution to enable him to run for a fourth term – in response to the impact of the shrinking economy on popular support for his “dictatorship of the heart.”
“I share your dream of a constitution for all Egyptians and with three separate powers: executive, legislative, and judicial,” he told his opponents.
Only if the new draft constitution is upheld in a popular referendum on December 15 will these provisions be annulled.
That price will be reflected in the constitution, as well as in the unwritten rules of Egypt’s new politics.
The process of enlargement will either be delayed or stopped completely, because the EU can no longer admit new members on the basis of the “Nice constitution.”
A practical way forward here is to establish a "European Security Council" to operate as a steering committee between the EU Council (which will have an unwieldy 25 members after this May's expansion) and the future European Foreign Minister envisaged by the draft constitution.
Orban used this strong position to alter the constitution, appoint loyal followers to democratic institutions that otherwise would have checked his power, and manipulate election laws to cement his rule.
After returning to power in 1958, he rescued his country a second time, putting down two attempted coups, ending the war in Algeria, and inspiring the Fifth Republic’s constitution.
His efforts to revise Japan’s pacifist constitution, restore pride in its wartime record, and discredit “elitist” mainstream media, such as the left-of-center newspaper Asahi Shimbun, have earned him the praise of Donald Trump’s former strategist, Stephen Bannon, who called Abe a “Trump before Trump.”
BackNext