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Constitution in sentence

1156 examples of Constitution in a sentence

As US Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson (who was also the chief US prosecutor at Nuremburg) put it, the constitution is not “a suicide pact” – a sentiment echoed by the Israeli jurist Aharon Barak, who emphasized that “civil rights are not an altar for national destruction.”
The crucial surprise in the draft constitution concerns social policy, previously a closed preserve of individual nations.
In Togo, President Gnassingbe Eyadema has been in power for 38 years and, just last December, amended the constitution to allow him to seek further re-election.
Indeed, just as Lahoud’s chair at the talks is vacant, so – in the eyes of the world and under the country’s 150-year old constitution – is Lebanon’s presidency.
The military retains its constitutionally guaranteed 25% share of the legislature (where a 75% majority is required to amend the constitution) and its control of the ministries for home affairs, defense, and borders.
They drafted a new constitution making the senate a half-appointed body and shifting more authority to the judiciary.
A chilling reincarnation of past military dictatorships, the so-called National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) has drafted an interim constitution that gives Prayut absolute power.
The NCPO now is preparing to hold a referendum in August on its draft constitution, which, if approved, would mean elections in 2017.
Instead, political reform ought to include them – under the following conditions: Respect for the national constitution, the rule of law, and the independence of the judiciary;Acceptance of the rotation of power, based on free, fair and internationally monitored elections;Guaranteed equal rights and full political participation for non-Muslim minorities;Full and equal participation by women in public life.
Humpty-Dumpty IraqIraq’s draft constitution will probably be approved in the referendum to be held on October 15.
But whether it is ratified or not ultimately does not matter, as the constitution – and the whole constitution-making process – is totally out of touch with the realities of a country that no longer exists as a coherent body politic.
The problem is not with the constitution, but with the conventional wisdom – almost an idée fixe – that Iraq is a viable modern nation-state, and that all it needs to make it work properly is the right political institutions.
In short, the draft constitution is an attempt to square a circle.
The emergence of three states – or highly autonomous regions – instead of a unified Iraq is happening anyway, constitution or no constitution.
On NATO, France’s Middle East policy, or the constitution, Francois Mitterrand (the Socialist leader in the 1960’s) and the opposition sharply criticized de Gaulle’s go-it-alone ways for shattering the Alliance consensus.
In rejecting the European constitution, France expressed its fear of, among other things, globalization.
Today, those in France who opposed the EU constitution succeeded in stigmatizing “Europe” as the threat.
But France’s referendum result fueled other European governments’ fears that any new proposal they might put forward to re-launch the EU constitution would fail in the face of domestic and Europe-wide opposition.
If we do, why should provisions that make the constitution so difficult to amend bind a majority of the electorate?
But the Malaysian constitution provides room for arguments on both sides of the question, and the relatively secular status quo is facing a serious challenge.
Drafted by a group of experts in 1957, under the auspices of the country’s former British rulers, the constitution includes two seemingly contradictory clauses.
The only hope for those who believe that he and his party’s populist nationalism represent a threat to democracy is that PiS lacks, and probably cannot marshal, the two-thirds majority in the Sejm (parliament) needed to amend the constitution.
The foundation was to be a liberal, even post-modern constitution, complete with a guarantee of 25% of parliamentary seats for women.
The constitution that will be voted on October 15th includes that 25% rule, but otherwise is far from liberal.
Outsiders and the few Iraqi liberals worry mainly about this Islamic provision, but the widespread Sunni opposition to the constitution is aimed at other provisions: the exclusion of the “Saddamist Ba’ath Party” from political life and government, and the federalist provisions that grant autonomy to the 18 Iraqi provinces and allow them to combine into regional governments.
That is what the new constitution would allow, because the Shia-majority provinces in the south – which contain the greater part of Iraq’s oil reserves – could form their own regional government.
In the usual style of the Middle East, disappointed Sunni leaders, unhappy with the constitution, now threaten violence.
It was bad enough to deal with Sadr as a bandit; simple political arithmetic now dictates that he will likely be the central figure deciding the outcome of October’s vote on the constitution.
To reject the constitution and force new elections for a constitutional assembly, opponents need a two-thirds majority in at least three provinces.
More important, the LDP has called for revising Article 9 of Japan’s US-imposed post-1945 constitution, which renounces war.
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