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Conservatives in sentence

498 examples of Conservatives in a sentence

Some conservatives disliked the crude egalitarianism of American culture, while some on the left saw America’s faith in markets as a symbol of capitalist exploitation of the working class.
Even though it would have handed Trump and their own party a political victory, conservatives refused to vote for the bill because it did not go far enough in abolishing the Affordable Care Act (“Obamacare”) they hate.
But to the conservatives of the House Freedom Caucus, both features, though popular, smack of socialism.
We found that self-identified liberals and conservatives interpreted this information differently.
Conservatives, by contrast, remained unmoved.
Part of the reason for conservatives’ reaction, I believe, is mistrust.
Many conservatives hold government in deep disdain; only 17% of conservative voters in the US and Europe say they can trust their country’s political leaders.
The share of conservatives with an overall negative view of government was 80%; among liberals, it was closer to 50%.
Moreover, a high percentage of conservatives say the best way to reduce inequality is to lower taxes on businesses and people.
In short, when conservatives learn that social mobility is lower than they thought, they believe government is the problem, not the solution.
Although the current governing coalition, consisting of conservatives and populists, has been successful, the real reckoning for Hungary's right may still be yet to come.
Eventually, conservatives gained, and by 2013, 86% of Malaysian Muslims supported making Sharia the basis of official law.
Because the Kemalist system eventually liberalized politically (though not culturally), the emergence of a multiparty system eventually also empowered the traditional conservatives whose preferences had long been denied.
At the same time, economic modernization brought social mobility to the conservatives, which led to the emergence of a new bourgeoisie that clung to its traditional religious values and viewed the Kemalist elite – ensconced in the army, the bureaucracy, the judiciary, and the universities – as oppressors.
Although still inspired by staunchly anti-Western conservatives who believe that the “banner of Jihad” should not be abandoned, the Brotherhood today is not the unconditionally jihadist organization that Mubarak regime’s portrayed to the West.
Social conservatives interpreted this to mean that they won the election for Bush, and that their agenda should dominate his next term.
The notion of an unstoppable wave took for granted that both the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum and Donald Trump’s election in the United States were triumphs for populism, rather than for establishment conservatives.
He needed the help of established Conservatives such as Boris Johnson and Michael Gove (both now serve in Prime Minister Theresa May’s post-election cabinet).
Populists may be winning, even though they are nominally losing, as conservatives simply copy their ideas.
During the interwar period, when conservatives opted to collaborate with authoritarian and fascist parties, democracy died as a result.
Spanish democracy died in the 1930s because a system of mutual recognition among fascists, conservatives, liberals, and Communists was impossible.
Those who led the British campaign to leave the European Union – such as Conservatives like Boris Johnson (now the country’s foreign secretary) and Nigel Farage, the right-wing populist leader of the UK Independence Party – are similarly disparaged for recklessly jeopardizing the future of the UK and the EU alike.
Of course, conservatives and Republicans could hope that their own favorite policy priorities would emerge as the administration’s preferred strategy.
It is not that Republicans and conservatives think that the Bush administration has adopted the wrong method, but that they don’t see any method at all that has driven them into their (late) fiscal-policy revolt.
But even many traditional laissez-faire conservatives should recognize that a yawning divide between rich and poor is not good for business.
Religious conservatives were stunned.
It made some sense, then, that European social democrats frequently ended up in coalition governments with moderate pro-business conservatives or Christian Democrats.
Had May not taken that step, a political anti-Brexit project – led by, say, the Liberal Democrats or a new center-left party – could have emerged and challenged the Conservatives for power.
Moreover, conservatives who had aligned themselves with Ahmedinejad are now criticizing him openly.
Asian economists who promote regional integration in Asia have observed the debate with amazement, in that the fault line is not based on economic philosophy like “Keynesians vs. Neoclassicals” or “Liberals vs. Conservatives,” but on a geographical, transatlantic divide.
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