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Congressional in sentence

511 examples of Congressional in a sentence

That leaves congressional Republicans with little room for maneuver.
More to the point, US corporations aren’t hoarding trillions of dollars in cash and refusing to make capital investments because the tax rate is too high, as Trump and congressional Republicans claim.
Bush, however, was prepared to order what became Operation Desert Storm even without congressional approval, given that he already had international law and the United Nations Security Council on his side.
In the United States, the midterm congressional elections in November will be decided by whether enthusiasm about the state of the economy is strong enough to compensate for the widespread disapproval of Trump’s personal style and divisive, sexist, and racist rhetoric.
Unfortunately, because Obama himself has established a history of making concessions in the face of congressional brinkmanship, the debt-ceiling debate has morphed into more than just a short-term political fight.
In the past, it was Obama who blinked, knowing that even if a catastrophic debt default was largely caused by congressional Republicans, he would likely absorb some of the blame in the next election.
The resulting increase in investment would boost growth and lower the revenue loss; but congressional Republicans, who favor a revenue-neutral tax reform, would still face a challenge.
But if the border tax adjustment would not improve the US trade balance, why are congressional Republicans eager to enact it?
The breakthrough came in late 1978, and was carefully timed by Carter to follow the mid-term congressional elections.
When the 2016 presidential and congressional elections delivered all three branches of the US government to the party, the time to fulfill that promise seemed to have arrived.
The truth is that the blame belongs squarely on the shoulders of congressional Republicans.
Such extreme policies are still only theoretical, and implementing them would most likely spur heightened congressional scrutiny.
But most observers believe that key Republicans in the House of Representatives, where impeachment would begin, have thrown in their lot with Trump, mainly because they fear his loyal base (about a third of the country, clustered in many congressional districts).
In the US, where mid-term congressional elections will be held this November, the outcry from exporters, importers, and consumers facing higher costs will be heard loud and clear.
But congressional Republicans will probably feel differently, especially if their states or districts are among those being singled out by Chinese import tariffs.
That, I believe, is because agribusiness is able to put tens of millions of dollars into the pockets of congressional representatives seeking re-election.
Rather than starting from the center and making appeals to both sides, congressional Republicans are starting from the right and feinting toward the center.
So, as of April, China had met just one of the three congressional criteria, and thus did not qualify as a currency manipulator.
For starters, Trump and congressional Republicans have pursued a massive pro-cyclical fiscal expansion, producing virtually unprecedented peacetime budget deficits in the absence of a recession.
Bitter congressional testimony by former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen about Pakistani perfidy in supporting terrorism deepened suspicion on both sides, which a high-profile visit to Islamabad by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton did little to ameliorate.
But adopting the reforms requires approval by the IMF’s member countries; and, though the United States was among those that voted in favor of the measure, President Barack Obama has been unable to secure Congressional approval.
Only one major element – the decision to move toward an all-elected Executive Board – requires an amendment to the IMF’s Articles of Agreement and thus congressional approval.
The key obstacle to this proposal is the requirement of congressional approval to increase America’s quota share.
Facebook Chairman and CEO Mark Zuckerberg recently conceded in congressional testimony that some regulation of his industry is necessary, and there is now an open window of opportunity to pursue new policies for the sector.
A full-scale trade agreement, however, would need congressional approval.
Moreover, America has refused to pay the Kremlin’s high price – curtailment of congressional human-rights legislation, repeal of Cold-War-era restrictions on Russian-US trade, and abandonment of plans for ballistic missile defense in Europe – for Russian support on Iran (or, for that matter, on any other trouble spot, such as Syria).
Obama and his congressional allies enacted an $800 billion “stimulus” bill that was loaded with programs geared to key Democratic constituencies, such as environmentalists and public employees; adopted a sweeping and highly unpopular health-care reform (whose constitutionality will be determined by the Supreme Court this year); imposed vast new regulations on wide swaths of the economy; embraced an industrial policy that selects certain companies for special treatment; engaged in borrowing and spending at levels exceeded only in World War II; and centralized power in Washington, DC (and, within the federal government, in the executive branch and regulatory agencies).
In that case, Obama would be wise to move to the center (as Bill Clinton did after the Democrats lost control of Congress in 1994) and work with congressional Republicans to shape sensible tax and entitlement reforms.
Regardless of the outcome of this year’s presidential and congressional elections, various Republican state governors are likely to gain a higher national profile.
No, the CEOs at Davos were licking their lips at the tax legislation that Trump and congressional Republicans recently pushed through, which will deliver hundreds of billions of dollars to large corporations and the wealthy people who own and run them – people like Trump himself.
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