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Coalition in sentence

1491 examples of Coalition in a sentence

European Foreign Policy after LibyaLISBON/RIGA – If an encouraging message is to be found in the creation of an international coalition to protect Libya’s civilian population, it is that Europe still counts for something on the world stage.
A coalition of the willing that intervenes in an Arab country cannot be composed only of European powers and the US.
Within Iran, a powerful coalition of moderate forces – ranging from reformists and dissidents to civil-society actors – has long advocated for a more engaged foreign policy.
Now, with Trump’s move, Rouhani’s agenda, and that of the entire moderate coalition, is in jeopardy.
Even after Germany’s election, I am not sure that the government will be willing to support an Italian rescue program without asking for major guarantees concerning the objectives – and even the composition – of Italy’s ruling coalition.
Iran then helped broker a ceasefire that was highly favorable to Maliki, and cemented his commanding position inside the Iraqi coalition government.
To be sure, a new grand coalition government – comprising Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union, its Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union, and the Social Democratic Party – has been formed.
Chancellor Angela Merkel may not be able to persuade her entire coalition of its merits, but she could rely on the opposition to build a new majority in support of doing what is necessary to preserve the euro.
But favorable economic indicators have made little difference to the standing of Cameron’s Conservatives in opinion polls, and have done nothing to save their coalition partner, the centrist Liberal Democrats, from a severe slump.
No one can predict whether the SNP might end up in the paradoxical position of joining a coalition with Labour to govern a country that it was campaigning to leave in last September’s independence referendum.
Whether or not they make Miliband the next prime minister (in a coalition with the Liberal Democrats, the SNP, or both), they are likely to characterize elections elsewhere as well in the years ahead.
Since the fall of 2005, the Kaczynskis have led a conservative-populist coalition, with a dose of nationalism – represented by the small League of Polish Families (LPR) – thrown in.
This contrast, and a strong attack on the liberal Civic Platform, made it impossible to create a moderate right-wing coalition.
To be sure, a political crisis can bring the coalition down, but this can happen only if Poland’s “wandering” electorate decides that the PiS has let it down.
The coalition took power at the start of what seems to be a new period of prosperity, underpinned by large EU subsidies.
Yet the strong link between the fate of the coalition (and that of the Fourth Republic) and a fickle electorate addicted to social benefits will block the serious reforms that are needed to put the economy on a sound footing in the long term.
For 40 years, the two dominant players have governed Europe through a grand coalition of sorts.
The Italian governing coalition hints at such a scenario, while the increasingly anti-immigration stance of Sahra Wagenknecht of Die Linke (The Left) and fiercely anti-European diatribes by Jean-Luc Mélenchon of La France Insoumise (France Unbowed) suggest that some radical leftists would rather lose their souls than the working class.
As a result, the EPP will go to the election as an odd coalition comprising advocates of Europe and nationalists, liberals and illiberals, and supporters of diversity and proponents of Christian identity.
His eurozone reform efforts have been frustrated by the delayed formation of the German coalition and the loss of Italy as a partner.
Moreover, the asylum battle that Merkel has courageously fought is being lost: two years after claiming that Germany was strong enough to open its borders, she suffered a severe electoral setback, followed by tensions within her coalition and retreat on the European front.
The last election freed India’s Congress Party of its coalition with the Communists, who opposed trade, and thus increased the flexibility of pro-trade Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
Still, both speeches were clearly intended to frame the political debate now underway in Germany, where Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is trying to form a new coalition government.
And because the CDU would prefer to dominate a government – and if possible, govern without coalition partners – it has always sought to win a majority by appealing to German voters in the middle of the political spectrum.
Because the CDU and the SPD lost support in the recent election, with the latter deciding to spend the coming electoral term in the opposition, Merkel will need to form a coalition with such parties.
The third likely member in Merkel’s new coalition, the Greens, would hardly be able to counterbalance these internal forces.
Serious direct negotiations are unlikely to begin without a freeze on settlement building, which Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu is unlikely to announce or implement, given resistance within his coalition government.
In 1924, a socialist and center-left coalition, the cartel des gauches, was met by a flight of money and a run on the franc, which the left believed was organized and facilitated by the Banque de France (the central bank).
The security concerns that have animated this diplomacy are forging a broad coalition, bringing in not only the region’s democracies, but also countries like Vietnam, which is embroiled in its own territorial dispute with China that centers on maritime oil exploration.
As a result, Italians elected an unconventional coalition whose program combines the policies of the populist left with those of the populist right.
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