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Coalition in sentence

1491 examples of Coalition in a sentence

In the 2009 election, the Kadima party, under his successor, Tzipi Livni, received one seat more than Likud, but was unable to form a government coalition.
It is not a panacea, but the coalition that can break up Citi can also put in place other measures to make the financial system safer – including more effective consumer protection, greater transparency in markets, and higher capital requirements for major banks.
No single power or coalition is wise or disinterested enough to claim universal sovereignty.
Germany’s general election appears likely to produce a repeat of the current government coalition of Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union and the Free Democrats, with opinion polls suggesting that a grand coalition between the CDU and the Social Democrats is less likely.
Greece’s ruling coalition could collapse as well, and political tensions may rise even higher in Spain and Portugal.
At the same time, he led a broad United Nations-backed coalition that repelled Saddam Hussein’s aggression against Kuwait.
And, when Bush organized his international coalition to prosecute the Gulf War, he included several Arab countries – not to ensure military success, but to boost the mission’s legitimacy.
It remains to be seen whether Macron can cobble together a cross-party parliamentary coalition and avoid “cohabitation” with a cabinet that answers to a hostile majority.
It seems unlikely that the Socialists and Republicans could be coaxed into joining forces, and if Macron has to rely on a left-wing coalition of some sort, the outlook for the Fifth Republic as an institution will be in doubt.
And if the coalition government’s budget cuts had improved expectations about future output, that greater confidence would have shown up in higher equity prices – but there is no evidence of this, either.
Kim now seems to have decided that his best hope for boosting North Korea’s economy, without reversing progress on its nuclear program, is to weaken the international coalition enforcing the sanctions.
To be sure, the Social Democrat-Green coalition, with the support of only 38% of MPs, was bound to be an uncertain exercise.
A German-style grand coalition has never been tested in Sweden; and Austria’s experience suggests that it could play into the extremists’ hands.
Alternatively, if Japan were to ally with China, the two countries’ combined resources would make for a potent coalition.
And yet, an uneasy coalition government seems unlikely to address the concerns that drove voters to reject the entrenched ruling elite in the last election.
And most Asians, including many Japanese, would not trust Japan to lead such a coalition in Asia.
The country’s ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, dominates the political landscape – but who can blame Ethiopians, surrounded by potential enemies, for giving priority to stability and order over Western-style democratic development?
This “integral populism,” he believes, is perfectly illustrated by Italy’s current governing coalition, which comprises the anti-establishment Five Star Movement and the nationalist League party.
Given that Syrians were socialized in a deeply authoritarian system, even those who are fighting for a democratic system are inexperienced in the art of coalition building.
The young candidate’s unexpected popular support is rooted within the ruling coalition: his adoptive father is a prominent Socialist senator (his biological father, a leader of the revolutionary left in the 1970’s, was killed by Pinochet’s political police).
The center-left coalition that defeated Pinochet (in a 1988 plebiscite and his presidential candidate in the 1989 election) has been wise enough to keep, and in some cases deepen, the sound free-market policies inherited from the military government.
Unlike many Latin American countries, in which populist backlashes have followed the liberalizing reforms of the 1990’s, the main challenger in Chile is an even more pro-market coalition.
Faced by a United States bent upon bloody vengeance, Pakistan’s military establishment scurried to join the US-led coalition and take up arms against its own creation, the Taliban.
Its weakness is somewhat surprising: real incomes are up, and the coalition government that came to power last year has introduced a series of generous welfare measures, including a large increase in the minimum wage, a reduction of the retirement age, and a special top-up pension for women with children.
Confronted with the debacle in the rest of (Arab) Iraq, the question has to be asked why the US-led coalition should not hold a referendum in the Kurdish region, asking the population how they would like to be ruled.
The upcoming election, to be held under the illegal Provisional Constitutional Order (PCO) implemented following President Pervez Musharraf’s state of emergency on November 3, is such a case, which is why my party and its coalition partners are boycotting the vote.
The humanitarian challenge has been less burdensome than anticipated, thanks to advance planning by the US and the world community and to the rapid, focused, and discriminate way in which coalition forces fought the war.
The same can be said of the coalition formed against ISIS.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s new grand coalition government may not look like a reliable security partner, but does that mean France should hold out until Germany has made good on its legacy defense debt before considering defense investments and mutualization in Europe?
That raises an obvious question: When regimes in the region collaborate with terrorist groups, how can intelligence cooperation with them, let alone a coalition to fight Islamic extremism, be credible?
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